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In This Edition

Glenn Greenwald, Laura Poitras and Ryan Devereaux with a must read, "Data Pirates Of The Caribbean."

Uri Avnery shares some letters in, "Dear Salman."

Bruce A Dixon returns with, "Always Low Wages, More Pollution."

Pepe Escobar explores, "The Birth Of A Eurasian Century."

Jim Hightower concludes, "In Oklahoma, "Conservative" Means Serving Corporate Power."

David Swanson proclaims, "One Day We Will All Strike For More Than One Day."

James Donahue warns of, "The GOP's Looming Assault On Science."

John Nichols finds, "The Next Four Months Will Decide The Future Of The Internet."

Chris Hedges says, "They Can't Outlaw The Revolution."

David Sirota reports, "Fortune: 'There Is A Strong Case' General Catalyst Violated New Jersey Pay-To-Play Rules."

Paul Krugman sings, "Springtime For Bankers."

Medea Benjamin is, "Standing Up, One Year Later: President Obama's Broken Foreign Policy Promise."

Bill McKibben gives, "A Call to Arms: An Invitation To Demand Action On Climate Change."

Supreme Court Justice, New York County, Judge Ronald A. Zweibel wins this week's coveted, "Vidkun Quisling Award!"

Robert Reich compares economies, "The Practical Choice."

Desmond Tutu and David Krieger team up with why, "We Must End The Madness Of Nuclear Weapons."

And finally in the 'Parting Shots' department Will Durst says, "Let's Get Lethaler" but first Uncle Ernie exclaims, "My Fashion Friends Keep Telling Me That The Big Brother Look Is In!"

This week we spotlight the cartoons of Mike Keefe, with additional cartoons, photos and videos from Ruben Bolling, Monte Wolverton, David Horsey, Brad Jonas, Lucy Parks, Josh Begley, Marcelo A. Salinas, Getty Images, Flickr, FCC, Bloomberg Television, CNN, The Intercept, Black Agenda Report, You Tube.Com and Issues & Alibis.Org.

Plus we have all of your favorite Departments...

The Quotable Quote...
The Vidkun Quisling Award...
The Cartoon Corner...
To End On A Happy Note...
Have You Seen This...
Parting Shots...

Welcome one and all to "Uncle Ernie's Issues & Alibis."













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My Fashion Friends Keep Telling Me That The Big Brother Look Is In!
What brand of Jack Boots should you buy to look hip in the mid-teens?
By Ernest Stewart

"I can find no way around the thicket of laws and precedents that effectively allow the Executive Branch of our government to proclaim as perfectly lawful certain actions that seem on their face incompatible with our Constitution and laws, while keeping the reasons for their conclusions a secret." ~~~ U.S. District Court Judge Colleen McMahon expressing frustration that, according to her legal analysis, the Freedom of Information Act couldn't force a disclosure.

"Maintain emergency plans to employ nuclear weapons within (the continental United States) to eradicate zombie hordes." ~~~ Strategic Command directive

"I am deeply committed to nonviolence, especially in the face of all the violence around me inside and outside this prison. I could not accept this deal. I had to fight back. That is why I am an activist. Being branded as someone who was violent was intolerable." ~~~ Cecily McMillian ~ from Rikers Island

"Every success I have ever had or will have in the future comes not solely from my own ambition and hard work, but also from those that have encouraged, supported and challenged me. Success is never, ever a one person job." ~~~ T.S. Tate


Have you heard what a federal judge said about the American Sheeple? He said, we're "living in an 'Alice in Wonderland' reality where leaders use the law to put themselves beyond the law." But the Sheeple like the warmth and comfort from the Matrix; so they weren't paying attention as The New York Times and the ACLU appealed the decision. Last Monday, they won their appeal; imagine that! In a joint statement, they said:
"A federal appeals panel in Manhattan ordered the release... of key portions of a classified Justice Department memorandum that provided the legal justification for the targeted killing of a United States citizen, Anwar al-Awlaki, who intelligence officials contend had joined Al Qaeda and died in a 2011 drone strike in Yemen.

The unanimous three-judge panel, reversing a lower court decision, said the government had waived its right to keep the analysis secret in light of numerous public statements by administration officials and the Justice Department's release of a "white paper" offering a detailed analysis of why targeted killings were legal."
The ACLU added from their home page...
"The ACLU's FOIA request seeks documents related to the legal and factual bases for the government's killing of three Americans in Yemen in 2011: Anwar al-Awlaki, his 16-year-old son Abdulrahman, and Samir Khan. The request included memos written by the Justice Department's Office of Legal Counsel concluding that the killing of American citizens would be constitutional in certain situations. The New York Times submitted a similar but narrower FOIA request, and the two resulting lawsuits were combined."
You are all hip to David Barron, right? Barron, the traitor lawyer that weaseled in legalese that his President can murder US citizens without trial, has now been paid back, by Barry, with a nomination for a lifetime appointment for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 1st Circuit for his helpful acts of treason! David faced a possible filibuster or hold this week from Senators wanting to bring about an end to some of the administration's secret justifications for drone use. Now, while Barry has said all that is forthcoming, Harry Reid said he has the votes to pass the Barron nomination before it hits the fan! Better hurry, Harry!

I won't hold my breath waiting for Barry to hand over the truth -- and perhaps put a noose around his neck for premeditated murder. If nothing else, it should give even the Sheeple pause to know according to the government the 5th amendment can be over turned on a presidential whim. Just like all of American's cities who overturned the 1st Amendment with local ordinances and bands of jack-booted thugs! As Janice sang, "Get it while you can," America!

In Other News

Here's a strange one from our "Your Tax Dollars At Work" department! I'm willing to bet we're the only country on Earth preparing for a Zombie Apocalypse!

That's right, America; Pentagon planners are drawing up disaster plans to deal with different contingencies. For example, planners created an attack by the walking dead to plan for large-scale operations. Tactics include "concentration of all firepower to the head, specifically the brain," And if all else fails, nuking the hordes of wandering dead. Oh where, oh where is George Romero, now that his country needs him?

In an unclassified document titled "CONOP 8888," officials from U.S. Strategic Command used the specter of a planet-wide attack by the walking dead as a training template for how to plan for real-life, large-scale operations, emergencies and catastrophes. I'm going to repeat that again, for those of you on drugs...

We don't have money to feed the poor; but we have money to waste on the Zombie Apocalypse!


However, the Pentagon says there's a logical explanation. I'm guessing that the word Zombies is a "code word" for Mexicans?

"The document is identified as a training tool used in an in-house training exercise where students learn about the basic concepts of military plans and order development through a fictional training scenario," said Navy Capt. Pamela Kunze, a spokeswoman for U.S. Strategic Command. Well, I'm glad that Pamela cleared that up for us!

Nevertheless, the preparation and thoroughness exhibited by the Pentagon for how to prepare for a scenario in which Americans are about to be overrun by flesh-eating invaders is quite impressive. See for yourself!

Here's the Pentagon's Zombie apocalypse plan.

Every phase of the operation, from conducting general zombie awareness training, and recalling all military personnel to their duty stations, to deploying reconnaissance teams to ascertain the general safety of the environment, to restoring civil authority after the zombie threat has been neutralized, are discussed.

And the rules of engagement with the zombies are clearly spelled out within the document.

"The only assumed way to effectively cause causalities to the zombie ranks by tactical force is the concentration of all firepower to the head, specifically the brain," the plan reads. "The only way to ensure a zombie is 'dead' is to burn the zombie corpse."

The next time some Rethuglican insists that the Pentagon can't trim its budget by a few trillion dollars, remind them of this!

And Finally

I see where Judge Zweibel is still torturing Cecily McMillian! Sure, he didn't give her seven years, as he could have; but since Cecily was fast becoming not only a martyr, but a worldwide cause celeb, Ronald thought that he'd better put out the raging fire and pretend to let her off easy for being a molestation victim of the New York City police state! Her protest days are over as he slapped her with five years of probation, after doing her 90 days and her first protest during that time will send her up the river for seven years!

You may recall, Cecily was being punished for automatically reacting to having her right breast almost ripped off by an unidentified pig who grabbed her from behind for daring to use her Constitutional rights to peacefully assemble and protest, which was bad enough by itself; but to keep her honest defense a secret from her jury, who once they found out the truth of the matter, came to her defense. Ronald was caustic and hostile to McMillan and her defense team during the trial. He barred video evidence that would've helped her case. He issued a gag order that forbade the defense lawyers, Martin Stolar and Rebecca Heinegg, to communicate with the press. And, astonishingly, he denied Cecily bail. He also kept the facts about the cop, who has a record of abuse and bribe-taking as long as your arm, from being brought out. These things made it an act of treason, instead of an honest trial by Judge Zweibel, so you know what I did, don't you? That's right, I wrote him a letter calling him out for his actions.
Hey Ron,

I see you brought back the "kangaroo court" to New York City by protecting Big Brother at all costs, including your honor, and your word to uphold the Constitution. I wonder what crimes against the Constitution officer Grantley Bovell will commit next time, don't you? How does it feel to support one set of laws for the people, and another set for the 1% and their police lackeys? How does it feel to be a 1% lackey yourself, Ronald?

You know, Ronald, an honorable man would fall on his sword at this point; but that will never happen to you, huh, Ronald, as you have no honor. Just curious about how you look yourself in the mirror in the morning to shave without cutting your worthless throat?

Sincerely,
Ernest Stewart
Managing Editor
Issues and Alibis Magazine
P.S. Congratulations are in order, Ron! You've just won the Vidkun Quisling Award! That's our weekly award for the biggest traitor in America, and this week you win hands down! I bet your mother would've been proud!
As always, if I get a reply, I'll share it with you! If you have any thoughts about this that you would like to share with Ronald, write him here:

Ronald A. Zweibel
100 Centre Street, Room 1116, 11th Floor
NEW YORK, NY 10013-4308

Or call him here:
Phone: 646-386-4041

Oh, and tell him that Uncle Ernie sent you!

Keepin' On

When you're hot, you're hot, and for two weeks in a row, we've been hot. We'd like to thank two newbies to the magazine. Ted from Texas, no, not that Ted, thanks, Ted! And let's not forget Pierre from Montreal who likewise sent in a nice donation. Thanks, Pierre; that's not Rocket Pierre by any chance, is it? How cool would that be? In fact, when put with last weeks, we're just over half of having the money to pay June's bill in about 5 weeks time!

I don't need to tell you what dire straights this country is in. I'm sure, that for many, that's the reason that they come here. The truth is something that you need to know in this day and age. All the old bets are off, and this is, in so many ways, quickly turning into a Brave New World. Might it not be handy, to have folks that you can trust, and know exactly what's going down and will tell the unvarnished truth to help us all through those dangerous daze to come. I think it might come in handy!

Ergo, if you can could give us a hand, by paying your fair share to help us keep fighting the good fight for you and yours! We make no money out of this, not a dime in 14 years; but the Internet is not free; and I have no money, as, maybe like you, I just have my head above water. But if you can please send us whatever you can, as often as you can, to help keep us, keeping on!

*****


08-24-1933 ~ 05-20-2014
Thanks for the music!




*****

We get by with a little help from our friends!
So please help us if you can...?
Donations

*****

So how do you like Bush Lite so far?
And more importantly, what are you planning on doing about it?

Until the next time, Peace!
(c) 2014 Ernest Stewart a.k.a. Uncle Ernie is an unabashed radical, author, stand-up comic, DJ, actor, political pundit and for the last 13 years managing editor and publisher of Issues & Alibis magazine. Visit me on Facebook. Visit the Magazine's page on Facebook and like us when you do. Follow me on Twitter.







Data Pirates Of The Caribbean
The NSA Is Recording Every Cell Phone Call in the Bahamas
By Glenn Greenwald, Laura Poitras and Ryan Devereaux

The National Security Agency is secretly intercepting, recording, and archiving the audio of virtually every cell phone conversation on the island nation of the Bahamas.

According to documents provided by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden, the surveillance is part of a top-secret system - code-named SOMALGET - that was implemented without the knowledge or consent of the Bahamian government. Instead, the agency appears to have used access legally obtained in cooperation with the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration to open a backdoor to the country's cellular telephone network, enabling it to covertly record and store the "full-take audio" of every mobile call made to, from and within the Bahamas - and to replay those calls for up to a month.

SOMALGET is part of a broader NSA program called MYSTIC, which The Intercept has learned is being used to secretly monitor the telecommunications systems of the Bahamas and several other countries, including Mexico, the Philippines, and Kenya. But while MYSTIC scrapes mobile networks for so-called "metadata" - information that reveals the time, source, and destination of calls - SOMALGET is a cutting-edge tool that enables the NSA to vacuum up and store the actual content of every conversation in an entire country.

All told, the NSA is using MYSTIC to gather personal data on mobile calls placed in countries with a combined population of more than 250 million people. And according to classified documents, the agency is seeking funding to export the sweeping surveillance capability elsewhere.

The program raises profound questions about the nature and extent of American surveillance abroad. The U.S. intelligence community routinely justifies its massive spying efforts by citing the threats to national security posed by global terrorism and unpredictable rival nations like Russia and Iran. But the NSA documents indicate that SOMALGET has been deployed in the Bahamas to locate "international narcotics traffickers and special-interest alien smugglers" - traditional law-enforcement concerns, but a far cry from derailing terror plots or intercepting weapons of mass destruction.

"The Bahamas is a stable democracy that shares democratic principles, personal freedoms, and rule of law with the United States," the State Department concluded in a crime and safety report published last year. "There is little to no threat facing Americans from domestic (Bahamian) terrorism, war, or civil unrest."

By targeting the Bahamas' entire mobile network, the NSA is intentionally collecting and retaining intelligence on millions of people who have not been accused of any crime or terrorist activity. Nearly five million Americans visit the country each year, and many prominent U.S. citizens keep homes there, including Sen. Tom Harkin (D-Iowa), Bill Gates, and Oprah Winfrey.

In addition, the program is a serious - and perhaps illegal - abuse of the access to international phone networks that other countries willingly grant the United States for legitimate law-enforcement surveillance. If the NSA is using the Drug Enforcement Administration's relationship to the Bahamas as a cover for secretly recording the entire country's mobile phone calls, it could imperil the longstanding tradition of international law enforcement cooperation that the United States enjoys with its allies.

"It's surprising, the short-sightedness of the government," says Michael German, a fellow at New York University's Brennan Center for Justice who spent 16 years as an FBI agent conducting undercover investigations. "That they couldn't see how exploiting a lawful mechanism to such a degree that you might lose that justifiable access - that's where the intelligence community is acting in a way that harms its long-term interests, and clearly the long-term national security interests of the United States." The NSA refused to comment on the program, but said in a statement that "the implication that NSA's foreign intelligence collection is arbitrary and unconstrained is false." The agency also insisted that it follows procedures to "protect the privacy of U.S. persons" whose communications are "incidentally collected."

Informed about the NSA's spying, neither the Bahamian prime minister's office nor the country's national security minister had any comment. The embassies of Mexico, Kenya, and the Philippines did not respond to phone messages and emails.

In March, The Washington Post revealed that the NSA had developed the capability to record and store an entire nation's phone traffic for 30 days. The Post reported that the capacity was a feature of MYSTIC, which it described as a "voice interception program" that is fully operational in one country and proposed for activation in six others. (The Post also referred to NSA documents suggesting that MYSTIC was pulling metadata in some of those countries.) Citing government requests, the paper declined to name any of those countries.

The Intercept has confirmed that as of 2013, the NSA was actively using MYSTIC to gather cell-phone metadata in five countries, and was intercepting voice data in two of them. Documents show that the NSA has been generating intelligence reports from MYSTIC surveillance in the Bahamas, Mexico, Kenya, the Philippines, and one other country, which The Intercept is not naming in response to specific, credible concerns that doing so could lead to increased violence. The more expansive full-take recording capability has been deployed in both the Bahamas and the unnamed country.

MYSTIC was established in 2009 by the NSA's Special Source Operations division, which works with corporate partners to conduct surveillance. Documents in the Snowden archive describe it as a "program for embedded collection systems overtly installed on target networks, predominantly for the collection and processing of wireless/mobile communications networks."


A top-secret description of the MYSTIC program written by the NSA's Special Source Operations division

If an entire nation's cell-phone calls were a menu of TV shows, MYSTIC would be a cable programming guide showing which channels offer which shows, and when. SOMALGET would be the DVR that automatically records every show on every channel and stores them for a month. MYSTIC provides the access; SOMALGET provides the massive amounts of storage needed to archive all those calls so that analysts can listen to them at will after the fact. According to one NSA document, SOMALGET is "deployed against entire networks" in the Bahamas and the second country, and processes "over 100 million call events per day."

SOMALGET's capabilities are further detailed in a May 2012 memo written by an official in the NSA's International Crime and Narcotics division. The memo hails the "great success" the NSA's drugs and crime unit has enjoyed through its use of the program, and boasts about how "beneficial" the collection and recording of every phone call in a given nation can be to intelligence analysts.

Rather than simply making "tentative analytic conclusions derived from metadata," the memo notes, analysts can follow up on hunches by going back in time and listening to phone calls recorded during the previous month. Such "retrospective retrieval" means that analysts can figure out what targets were saying even when the calls occurred before the targets were identified. "[W]e buffer certain calls that MAY be of foreign intelligence value for a sufficient period to permit a well-informed decision on whether to retrieve and return specific audio content," the NSA official reported.

"There is little reason," the official added, that SOMALGET could not be expanded to more countries, as long as the agency provided adequate engineering, coordination and hardware. There is no indication in the documents that the NSA followed up on the official's enthusiasm.


A 2012 memo written by the NSA's International Crime & Narcotics division

The documents don't spell out how the NSA has been able to tap the phone calls of an entire country. But one memo indicates that SOMALGET data is covertly acquired under the auspices of "lawful intercepts" made through Drug Enforcement Administration "accesses"- legal wiretaps of foreign phone networks that the DEA requests as part of international law enforcement cooperation.

When U.S. drug agents need to tap a phone of a suspected drug kingpin in another country, they call up their counterparts and ask them set up an intercept. To facilitate those taps, many nations - including the Bahamas - have hired contractors who install and maintain so-called lawful intercept equipment on their telecommunications. With SOMALGET, it appears that the NSA has used the access those contractors developed to secretly mine the country's entire phone system for "signals intelligence" -recording every mobile call in the country. "Host countries," the document notes, "are not aware of NSA's SIGINT collection."

"Lawful intercept systems engineer communications vulnerabilities into networks, forcing the carriers to weaken," says Christopher Soghoian, the principal technologist for the American Civil Liberties Union. "Host governments really should be thinking twice before they accept one of these Trojan horses."

The DEA has long been in a unique position to help the NSA gain backdoor access to foreign phone networks. "DEA has close relationships with foreign government counterparts and vetted foreign partners," the manager of the NSA's drug-war efforts reported in a 2004 memo. Indeed, with more than 80 international offices, the DEA is one of the most widely deployed U.S. agencies around the globe.

But what many foreign governments fail to realize is that U.S. drug agents don't confine themselves to simply fighting narcotics traffickers. "DEA is actually one of the biggest spy operations there is," says Finn Selander, a former DEA special agent who works with the drug-reform advocacy group Law Enforcement Against Prohibition. "Our mandate is not just drugs. We collect intelligence."

What's more, Selander adds, the NSA has aided the DEA for years on surveillance operations. "On our reports, there's drug information and then there's non-drug information," he says. "So countries let us in because they don't view us, really, as a spy organization."

Selander's first-hand experience is echoed in the 2004 memo by the manager of the NSA's drug-war efforts, which was titled "DEA: The Other Warfighter." The DEA and the NSA "enjoy a vibrant two-way information-sharing relationship," the memo observes, and cooperate so closely on counternarcotics and counterterrorism that there is a risk of "blurring the lines between the two missions."

Still, the ability to record and replay the phone calls of an entire country appears to be a relatively new weapon in the NSA's arsenal. None of the half-dozen former U.S. law enforcement officials interviewed by The Intercept said they had ever heard of a surveillance operation quite like the NSA's Bahamas collection.

"I'm completely unfamiliar with the program," says Joel Margolis, a former DEA official who is now executive vice president of government affairs for Subsentio, a Colorado-based company that installs lawful intercepts for telecommunications providers. "I used to work in DEA's office of chief counsel, and I was their lead specialist on lawful surveillance matters. I wasn't aware of anything like this."


A 2012 memo written by the NSA's International Crime & Narcotics division

For nearly two decades, telecom providers in the United States have been legally obligated under the 1994 Communications Assistance for Law Enforcement Act to build their networks with wiretapping capabilities, providing law enforcement agencies with access to more efficient, centrally managed surveillance.

Since CALEA's passage, many countries have adopted similar measures, making it easier to gather telecommunications intelligence for international investigations. A 2001 working group for the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime went so far as to urge countries to consider permitting foreign law enforcement agencies to initiate international wiretaps directly from within their own territories.

The process for setting up lawful intercepts in foreign countries is largely the same as in the United States. "Law enforcement issues a warrant or other authorization, a carrier or a carrier's agent responds to the warrant by provisioning the intercept, and the information is sent in sort of a one-way path to the law enforcement agency," says Marcus Thomas, a former FBI assistant director who now serves as chief technology officer for Subsentio.

When U.S. drug agents wiretap a country's phone networks, they must comply with the host country's laws and work alongside their law enforcement counterparts. "The way DEA works with our allies - it could be Bahamas or Jamaica or anywhere - the host country has to invite us," says Margolis. "We come in and provide the support, but they do the intercept themselves."

The Bahamas' Listening Devices Act requires all wiretaps to be authorized in writing either by the minister of national security or the police commissioner in consultation with the attorney general. The individuals to be targeted must be named. Under the nation's Data Protection Act, personal data may only be "collected by means which are both lawful and fair in the circumstances of the case." The office of the Bahamian data protection commissioner, which administers the act, said in a statement that it "was not aware of the matter you raise."

Countries like the Bahamas don't install lawful intercepts on their own. With the adoption of international standards, a thriving market has emerged for private firms that are contracted by foreign governments to install and maintain lawful intercept equipment. Currently valued at more than $128 million, the global market for private interception services is expected to skyrocket to more than $970 million within the next four years, according to a 2013 report from the research firm Markets and Markets.

"Most telecom hardware vendors will have some solutions for legal interception," says a former mobile telecommunications engineer who asked not to be named because he is currently working for the British government. "That's pretty much because legal interception is a requirement if you're going to operate a mobile phone network."

The proliferation of private contractors has apparently provided the NSA with direct access to foreign phone networks. According to the documents, MYSTIC draws its data from "collection systems" that were overtly installed on the telecommunications systems of targeted countries, apparently by corporate "partners" cooperating with the NSA.

One NSA document spells out that "the overt purpose" given for accessing foreign telecommunications systems is "for legitimate commercial service for the Telco's themselves." But the same document adds: "Our covert mission is the provision of SIGINT," or signals intelligence.

The classified 2013 intelligence budget also describes MYSTIC as using "partner-enabled" access to both cellular and landline phone networks. The goal of the access, the budget says, is to "provide comprehensive metadata access and content against targeted communications" in the Caribbean, Mexico, Kenya, the Philippines, and the unnamed country. The budget adds that in the Bahamas, Mexico, and the Philippines, MYSTIC requires "contracted services" for its "operational sustainment."


Definitions of terms related to the MYSTIC program, drawn from an NSA glossary

The NSA documents don't specify who is providing access in the Bahamas. But they do describe SOMALGET as an "umbrella term" for systems provided by a private firm, which is described elsewhere in the documents as a "MYSTIC access provider." (The documents don't name the firm, but rather refer to a cover name that The Intercept has agreed not to publish in response to a specific, credible concern that doing so could lead to violence.) Communications experts consulted by The Intercept say the descriptions in the documents suggest a company able to install lawful intercept equipment on phone networks.

Though it is not the "access provider," the behemoth NSA contractor General Dynamics is directly involved in both MYSTIC and SOMALGET. According to documents, the firm has an eight-year, $51 million contract to process "all MYSTIC data and data for other NSA accesses" at a facility in Annapolis Junction, Maryland, down the road from NSA's headquarters. NSA logs of SOMALGET collection activity - communications between analysts about issues such as outages and performance problems - contain references to a technician at a "SOMALGET processing facility" who bears the same name as a LinkedIn user listing General Dynamics as his employer. Reached for comment, a General Dynamics spokesperson referred questions to the NSA.

According to the NSA documents, MYSTIC targets calls and other data transmitted on Global System for Mobile Communications networks - the primary framework used for cell phone calls worldwide. In the Philippines, MYSTIC collects "GSM, Short Message Service (SMS) and Call Detail Records" via access provided by a "DSD asset in a Philippine provider site." (The DSD refers to the Defence Signals Directorate, an arm of Australian intelligence. The Australian consulate in New York declined to comment.) The operation in Kenya is "sponsored" by the CIA, according to the documents, and collects "GSM metadata with the potential for content at a later date." The Mexican operation is likewise sponsored by the CIA. The documents don't say how or under what pretenses the agency is gathering call data in those countries.

In the Bahamas, the documents say, the NSA intercepts GSM data that is transmitted over what is known as the "A link"-or "A interface"-a core component of many mobile networks. The A link transfers data between two crucial parts of GSM networks - the base station subsystem, where phones in the field communicate with cell towers, and the network subsystem, which routes calls and text messages to the appropriate destination. "It's where all of the telephone traffic goes," says the former engineer.

Punching into this portion of a county's mobile network would give the NSA access to a virtually non-stop stream of communications. It would also require powerful technology.

"I seriously don't think that would be your run-of-the-mill legal interception equipment," says the former engineer, who worked with hardware and software that typically maxed out at 1,000 intercepts. The NSA, by contrast, is recording and storing tens of millions of calls - "mass surveillance," he observes, that goes far beyond the standard practices for lawful interception recognized around the world.

The Bahamas Telecommunications Company did not respond to repeated phone calls and emails.

If the U.S. government wanted to make a case for surveillance in the Bahamas, it could point to the country's status as a leading haven for tax cheats, corporate shell games, and a wide array of black-market traffickers. The State Department considers the Bahamas both a "major drug-transit country" and a "major money laundering country" (a designation it shares with more than 60 other nations, including the U.S.). According to the International Monetary Fund, as of 2011 the Bahamas was home to 271 banks and trust companies with active licenses. At the time, the Bahamian banks held $595 billion in U.S. assets.

But the NSA documents don't reflect a concerted focus on the money launderers and powerful financial institutions - including numerous Western banks - that underpin the black market for narcotics in the Bahamas. Instead, an internal NSA presentation from 2013 recounts with pride how analysts used SOMALGET to locate an individual who "arranged Mexico-to-United States marijuana shipments" through the U.S. Postal Service.


A slide from a 2013 NSA Special Source Operations presentation

The presentation doesn't say whether the NSA shared the information with the DEA. But the drug agency's Special Operations Divison has come under fire for improperly using classified information obtained by the NSA to launch criminal investigations - and then creating false narratives to mislead courts about how the investigations began. The tactic - known as parallel construction - was first reported by Reuters last year, and is now under investigation by the Justice Department's inspector general.

So: Beyond a desire to bust island pot dealers, why would the NSA choose to apply a powerful collection tool such as SOMALGET against the Bahamas, which poses virtually no threat to the United States?

The answer may lie in a document that characterizes the Bahamas operation as a "test bed for system deployments, capabilities, and improvements" to SOMALGET. The country's small population - fewer than 400,000 residents - provides a manageable sample to try out the surveillance system's features. Since SOMALGET is also operational in one other country, the Bahamas may be used as a sort of guinea pig to beta-test improvements and alterations without impacting the system's operations elsewhere.

"From an engineering point of view it makes perfect sense," says the former engineer. "Absolutely."

Beyond the Bahamas, the other countries being targeted by MYSTIC are more in line with the NSA's more commonly touted priorities. In Kenya, the U.S. works closely with local security forces in combating the militant fundamentalist group Al-Shabab, based in neighboring Somalia. In the Philippines, the U.S. continues to support a bloody shadow war against Islamist extremists launched by the Bush administration in 2002. Last month, President Barack Obama visited Manila to sign a military pact guaranteeing that U.S. operations in Southeast Asia will continue and expand for at least another decade.

Mexico, another country targeted by MYSTIC, has received billions of dollars in police, military, and intelligence aid from the U.S. government over the past seven years to fight the war on drugs, a conflict that has left more than 70,000 Mexicans dead by some estimates. Attorney General Eric Holder has described Mexican drug cartels as a U.S. "national security threat," and in 2009, then-CIA director Michael Hayden said the violence and chaos in Mexico would soon be the second greatest security threat facing the U.S. behind Al Qaeda.

The legality of the NSA's sweeping surveillance in the Bahamas is unclear, given the permissive laws under which the U.S intelligence community operates. Earlier this year, President Obama issued a policy directive imposing "new limits" on the U.S. intelligence community's use of "signals intelligence collected in bulk." In addition to threats against military or allied personnel, the directive lists five broad conditions under which the agency would be permitted to trawl for data in unrestricted dragnets: threats posed by foreign powers, terrorism, weapons of mass destruction, cybersecurity, and "transnational criminal threats, including illicit finance and sanctions evasion."

SOMALGET operates under Executive Order 12333, a Reagan-era rule establishing wide latitude for the NSA and other intelligence agencies to spy on other countries, as long as the attorney general is convinced the efforts are aimed at gathering foreign intelligence. In 2000, the NSA assured Congress that all electronic surveillance performed under 12333 "must be conducted in a manner that minimizes the acquisition, retention, and dissemination of information about unconsenting U.S. persons." In reality, many legal experts point out, the lack of judicial oversight or criminal penalties for violating the order render the guidelines meaningless.

"I think it would be open, whether it was legal or not," says German, the former FBI agent. "Because we don't have all the facts about how they're doing it. For a long time, the NSA has been interpreting their authority in the broadest possible way, even beyond what an objective observer would say was reasonable."

"An American citizen has Fourth Amendment rights wherever they are," adds Kurt Opsahl, an attorney with the Electronic Frontier Foundation. "Nevertheless, there have certainly been a number of things published over the last year which suggest that there are broad, sweeping programs that the NSA and other government agencies are doing abroad that sweep up the communications of Americans."

Legal or not, the NSA's covert surveillance of an entire nation suggests that it will take more than the president's tepid "limits" to rein in the ambitions of the intelligence community. "It's almost like they have this mentality - if we can, we will," says German. "There's no analysis of the long-term risks of doing it, no analysis of whether it's actually worth the effort, no analysis of whether we couldn't take those resources and actually put them on real threats and do more good."

It's not surprising, German adds, that the government's covert program in the Bahamas didn't remain covert. "The undermining of international law and international cooperation is such a long-term negative result of these programs that they had to know would eventually be exposed, whether through a leak, whether through a spy, whether through an accident," he says. "Nothing stays secret forever. It really shows the arrogance of these agencies - they were just going to do what they were going to do, and they weren't really going to consider any other important aspects of how our long-term security needs to be addressed."
(c) 2014 Glenn Greenwald. is a journalist, constitutional lawyer, commentator, author of three New York Times best-selling books on politics and law, and a staff writer and editor at First Look Media. His fifth book, No Place to Hide: Edward Snowden, the NSA, and the U.S. Security State. has just been released. Prior to his collaboration with Pierre Omidyar, Glenn's column was featured at Guardian US and Salon. His last bookbook is, With Liberty and Justice for Some: How the Law Is Used to Destroy Equality and Protect the Powerful. He is the author of the New York Times Bestselling book"How Would a Patriot Act?," a critique of the Bush administration's use of executive power, released in May 2006. His second book, "A Tragic Legacy," examines the Bush legacy. He is the recipient of the first annual I.F. Stone Award for Independent Journalism.

(c) 2014 Laura Poitras is a documentary filmmaker, journalist, and artist. She is currently finishing a trilogy of films about post-9/11 America. The first film on the Iraq war, My Country, My Country, was nominated for an Academy Award. The second film on Guantanamo, The Oath, received the Sundance award for cinematography. She is now editing the final film about NSA mass surveillance. In May 2013, she traveled to Hong Kong with Glenn Greenwald to interview Edward Snowden. She has been reporting on Snowden's disclosures about the NSA for a variety of news outlets, including The Guardian, Der Spiegel, and The New York Times. Her work was selected for the 2012 Whitney Biennial, where she held a Surveillance Teach-In. She has taught filmmaking at Duke and Yale University. Laura is the recipient of a 2012 MacArthur Fellowship, and currently lives in Berlin.

(c) 2014 Ryan Devereaux is a Brooklyn-based journalist covering national security. His interests include counter-terrorism, drug prohibition and human rights. Ryan's work has appeared at The Guardian, RollingStone.com, The Nation, Democracy Now, The Village Voice and elsewhere.





Dear Salman
By Uri Avnery

YEARS AGO I was invited to a UN conference on the Palestinian refugees in Paris. I was to open the debate as an Israeli, after the Palestinian representative, Salman Abu Sitta, a refugee from a Bedouin tribe in the Negev, had opened as a Palestinian.

Before the debate I was warned that Abu Sitta was the most extreme of the refugees, a notorious hater of Israel. When my turn came, I said that I had to choose between answering him or reading my prepared text. I decided to read my text and promised to invite him to a private dinner and discuss his points.

When I finished, Abu Sitta reminded me of that promise. We had dinner in a quiet Paris restaurant and I found Abu Sitta a very engaging person. Rachel, my wife, was deeply moved by his account of his flight as a boy during the Naqba, and so was I.

Abu Sitta, by now a very wealthy international contractor, has devoted his life to the plight of the Palestinian refugees and is, perhaps, the world's foremost expert on the Naqba.

This week I received from him a letter, which I feel the need to copy here verbatim:

DEAR URI,

I read with great interest your interview in Haaretz about your rich and eventful life. You stuck to your principles since the early fifties when you found that the old doctrine was neither workable or moral.

I remember vividly our chat over dinner in Paris with your kind wife Rachel, bless her soul. You described your early days as a young German by the name of Helmut, when you joined the terrorist organization, the Irgun, and when you, carrying a machine gun on a hilltop at Hulayqat (where now there is a war memorial to "honor" those soldiers) watched the sea of humanity of expelled refugees march towards Gaza by the sea shore.

I also told you my story; how I became a refugee without ever seeing a Jew in my life and how I spent years to find out who did it by name, face and battalion.

I remember asking you "would you agree to my return to my house if it is next to you?" You said emphatically NO.

I wrote all this in my memoirs to be published this year in Europe and USA.

I am reminded of a similar story but with a different ending. I refer to Reflections of a Daughter of the '48 Generation by Dr. Tikva Honig-Parnass. It is a moving account of how truth and reality faced her, as a Palmach soldier, with the grave injustice done to Palestinians. Since then she spends her energy to defend their rights, including the Right of Return.

I saw no trace or hint of retraction in your interview or what I have hoped, namely your recognition of the Right of Return, or the atonement and remedy of the greatest sin: the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians.

Would it not be a fitting last station of a long life (and I wish you more of it) for you to stand at hilltops (again) and shout for all to hear, summing up all your life experiences, saying: the refugees must return, we must repent the sin of ethnic cleansing?

Is this too much to ask for a principled man like you to do this? I am not asking this on behalf of the Palestinians, because no doubt they WILL return. I am hoping that it would be a crown to your life achievements in the Israeli milieu.

As I wrote repeatedly: The history of the Jews will not be marked any more by the alleged killing of Christ nor by the Nazi atrocities in WWII, but will be indelibly marked by what they have done to Palestinians, deliberately and constantly, without remorse, regret or remedy, thus reflecting that side of the human spirit which does not learn from history and that which empties itself of its own moral posture.

Best regards,
Salman Abu Sitta.

DEAR SALMAN,

I was profoundly moved by this letter. It took me days to find the courage to answer. I try to do so as sincerely as possible.

I also vividly remember our conversation in Paris, and wrote about it in the second part of my memoirs, which will appear in the course of this year. It may be interesting for the readers to compare our two descriptions of the same conversation. About the scene near Hulayqat I have written in the first part, which has already appeared in Hebrew.

When I was wounded in the 1948 war, I decided that it would be my life's mission to work for peace between our two peoples. I hope that I have been true to that promise.

Making peace after such a long and bitter conflict is both a moral and a political endeavor. There is often a contradiction between the two aspects.

I respect the few people in Israel who, like Tikva, completely devote themselves to the moral side of the refugees' tragedy, whatever the consequence for the chances of peace. My own moral outlook tells me that peace must be the first aim, before and above everything else.

The war of 1948 was a terrible human tragedy. Both sides believed that it was an existential battle, that their very life was hanging in the balance. It is often forgotten that ethnic cleansing (not a familiar expression in those days) was practiced by both sides. Our side occupied large territories, creating a huge refugee problem, while the Palestinian side succeeded in occupying only small Jewish areas, like the Old City of Jerusalem and the Etzion settlement bloc south of Bethlehem. But not a single Jew remained there.

The war, like the later Bosnian war, was an ethnic war, in which both sides tried to conquer as large a part of the country as possible - EMPTY of the other population.

As an eyewitness and participant, I can testify to the fact that the origins of the refugee problem are extremely complex. During the first seven months of the war, the attacks on the Arab villages were an absolute military necessity. At that time, we were the weaker side. After a number of very cruel battles, the wheel turned and I believe that a deliberate policy of expulsion was adopted by the Zionist leadership.

But the real question is: Why were the 750,000 refugees not allowed home after the end of the hostilities?

ONE HAS to remember the situation. It was three years after the smokestacks of Auschwitz and the other camps had gone cold. Hundreds of thousands of wretched survivors crowded the refugee camps in Europe and had nowhere to go but to the new Israel. They were brought here and hastily put into the homes of the Palestinian refugees.

All this did not obliterate our moral obligation to put an end to the terrible tragedy of the Palestinian refugees. In 1953 I published in my magazine, "Haolam Hazeh", a detailed plan for the solution of the refugee problem. It included (a) an apology to the refugees and the acknowledgment in principle of the right to return, (b) the return and resettlement of a substantial number, (c) generous compensation to all the rest. Since the Israeli government refused to consider the possibility of the return of a single individual, the plan was not even discussed.

WHY DO I not stand on a hilltop and cry out for the return of all the refugees?

Peace is made between consenting parties. There is absolutely no chance that the vast majority of Israelis would freely agree to the return of all the refugees and their descendents, who amount to six or seven million people - the same number as Israel's Jewish citizens. This would be the end of the "Jewish state" and the beginning of a "bi-national state", to which 99% of Israelis strenuously object. It can be imposed only by a crushing military defeat, which is currently impossible because of Israel's infinite military superiority, including nuclear arms.

I can stand on the hilltops and shout - but it would not bring peace (and a solution) one step closer.

To my mind, waiting for a solution in a hundred years, while the conflict and the misery continue, is not really moral.

DEAR SALMAN, I have listened attentively to your presentation.

You say that Israel could easily absorb all the refugees by putting them into the Negev, which is almost empty. That is quite true.

The vast majority of Israelis would reject that, because they are fiercely resolved to have a large Jewish majority in Israel. But I also ask myself: What is the logic of that?

When I met with Yasser Arafat in Beirut during the war of 1982, I also visited several Palestinian refugee camps. I asked many refugees whether they wanted to return to Israel. Most said that they wanted to return to their villages (which were eradicated long ago) but not anywhere else in Israel.

What is the sense of putting them into the harsh conditions of the desert in a Zionist dominated and Hebrew speaking country, far from their original homes? Would they want that?

Arafat and his successors limit their aim to a "just and AGREED solution", giving the Israeli government a veto right. That means, in practice, at most the return of a symbolic number.

My latest proposal is for the Israeli president to apologize and express the profound regret of the Israeli people for its part in the creation and prolongation of the tragedy.

The Israeli government must recognize the moral right of the refugees to return.

Israel should organize the return of 50,000 refugees every year for ten years. (I am almost alone in Israel in demanding this number. Most peace groups would reduce that to 100,000 altogether.)

All the other refugees should receive compensation on the lines of the compensation paid by Germany to the Jewish victims. (No comparison, of course.)

With the foundation of the State of Palestine, they would receive Palestinian passports and be able to settle there, in their country.

In the not too distant future, when the two states, Israel and Palestine, shall be are finally living side by side, with open borders and with their capitals in Jerusalem, perhaps within a region-wide framework, the problem will lose its sting.

IT HURTS me to write this letter. For me, the refugees are no abstract "problem", but human beings with human faces. But I will not lie to you.

I would be honored to live next to you (even in the Negev desert)

Salamaat,
Uri.

(c) 2014 Uri Avnery ~~~ Gush Shalom







Always Low Wages, More Pollution
Why Barack & Michelle Obama Relentlessly Shill For Wal-Mart
By Bruce A. Dixon

Democrats in labor unions and figures like former Labor Secretary Robert Reich and others were justly outraged at Barack Obama's latest wet kiss to Wal-Mart earlier this month. But First Lady Michelle Obama has been in bed with the giant retailer for years. Is this a nasty bug in the Obama presidency, or a corrupt core feature?

Earlier this month President Obama visited a Bay Area Wal-Mart to praise the world's largest and most anti-union retailer for its supposed environmental responsibility. The fact is that Wal-Mart's maintenance of diesel-fueled supply chains between its stores and wherever on the planet wages are lowest and environmental restrictions are totally absent make it a major ongoing contributor to runaway climate change. The president's appearance therefore, was simply a hypocritical exercise in greenwashing for Wal-Mart.

Though it was an insult to working people and to many of his abject and fervent supporters, it should have been no surprise. It wasn't President Obama's first wet kiss to Wal-Mart and with almost three more years in office to go it won't be his last. Still the willingness of the Obama Administration to do the bidding of Wal-Mart shows just how hollow has become the pretense of elected black Democrats to representing the poor and oppressed.

There was a time when Democrats in the White House did not dare openly shill for the giant retailer. Hillary Clinton served on Wal-Mart's board of directors through most of the 1980s, while her husband Bill was governor of Arkansas. Even then, Wal-Mart was notorious for overworking and underpaying its workers, violating labor laws to thwart unions, and sopping up prodigious amounts of corporate welfare in the forms of tax breaks and subsidies of all kinds. Being in bed with those crooks wasn't just an embarrassment, it was a hypocritical affront to Democratic voters, so somewhere on the 1992 road to the White House, Hillary resigned from Wal-Mart's board. Similarly in 2007 with her husband on the way to the White House, Michelle Obama felt compelled to resign from the board of TreeHouse Foods, a major Wal-Mart vendor. "I won't shop there," said presidential candidate Barack Obama when questioned about Wal-Mart at an AFL-CIO labor forum.

Of course labor audiences in 2007 and 2008 were where Obama pledged to renegotiate NAFTA, and immediately raise the minimum wage as soon as he took office. The president never mentioned raising the minimum wage again till about 2012 when Republicans were safely in control of the House of Representatives, and instead of renegotiating NAFTA, President Obama is engaged in secret negotiations to extend it across the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Evidently the Obama that promises is a different guy, and far less powerful, than the Obama that acts.

Safely in office, Michelle and Barack Obama have enthusiastically embraced Wal-Mart. The first lady allowed the unscrupulous retailer to leverage her personal image as an advocate of exercise and healthy eating in her "Let's Move" initiative, and spouting the company line that the best solution to urban "food deserts" is opening more Wal-Mart neighborhood grocery stores. Michelle Obama's many appearances at and pronouncements around Wal-Mart have done the retailer more good than she and Hillary could ever have done in another decade or two apiece on its board of directors.

Right now Wal-Mart is approaching 30% of the US retail grocery market, with far lower wages, fewer hours, skimpier benefits, and longer and dirtier supply chains than its major competitors. As I said a couple years ago in an article about Michelle Obama's cynical embrace of Wal-Mart:

Wal-Mart's business model of corrupting public officials, lying about job creation numbers, rampant sex and race discrimination, relentlessly low wage and benefit levels, and aspirations to monopoly control of local markets across the country make it a bad neighbor, a worse boss, an unfair competitor and sometimes a criminal enterprise.
Wal-Mart has been a leader in the corporate practice of weaponizing its charitable giving, turning it into a lever to open new markets in urban America, to neutralize and isolate opposition, and to curry favor with local political figures. Wal-Mart made it rain on selected charities and ministries in areas like Newark and Chicago when it needed to colonize those new markets. President Obama recognized this "achievement" in the corruption of Democratic party politics in March 2014 by nominating Wal-Mart's chief of charitable giving to head up his Office of Management and Budget.

Wal-Mart was even allowed, along with McDonalds and other large, low-wage employers, to shape the drafting of regulations governing Obamacare, in ways that exempted the retailer from having to ensure large numbers of its workers for the first several years.

The fiction that elected Democrats represent poor and working people and stand for safeguarding the environment is just that - a fiction. There is a new neoliberal paradigm that allows Democrats to mumble a few words about raising the minimum wage when the other party controls Congress, that claims the moment they took office was the day the oceans stopped rising. If these were curable bugs in the political system, votes and advocacy would wake enough people up to change them. But what if they're not bugs in the system at all. What if these are its core and immutable features? What then? Isn't it time to step outside their two-party, capitalist box, to dream and begin to build something else?
(c) 2014 Bruce A. Dixon is managing editor at Black Agenda Report and a state committee member of the GA Green Party. He lives and works in Marietta GA and can be reached at bruce.dixon@blackagendareport.com.




China is building its own pipeline networks to help deliver Russia's resources to its people and for export.



The Birth Of A Eurasian Century
Russia and China Do Pipelineistan
By Pepe Escobar

HONG KONG -- A specter is haunting Washington, an unnerving vision of a Sino-Russian alliance wedded to an expansive symbiosis of trade and commerce across much of the Eurasian land mass -- at the expense of the United States.

And no wonder Washington is anxious. That alliance is already a done deal in a variety of ways: through the BRICS group of emerging powers (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa); at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Asian counterweight to NATO; inside the G20; and via the 120-member-nation Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Trade and commerce are just part of the future bargain. Synergies in the development of new military technologies beckon as well. After Russia's Star Wars-style, ultra-sophisticated S-500 air defense anti-missile system comes online in 2018, Beijing is sure to want a version of it. Meanwhile, Russia is about to sell dozens of state-of-the-art Sukhoi Su-35 jet fighters to the Chinese as Beijing and Moscow move to seal an aviation-industrial partnership.

This week should provide the first real fireworks in the celebration of a new Eurasian century-in-the-making when Russian President Vladimir Putin drops in on Chinese President Xi Jinping in Beijing. You remember "Pipelineistan," all those crucial oil and gas pipelines crisscrossing Eurasia that make up the true circulatory system for the life of the region. Now, it looks like the ultimate Pipelineistan deal, worth $1 trillion and 10 years in the making, will be inked as well. In it, the giant, state-controlled Russian energy giant Gazprom will agree to supply the giant state-controlled China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) with 3.75 billion cubic feet of liquefied natural gas a day for no less than 30 years, starting in 2018. That's the equivalent of a quarter of Russia's massive gas exports to all of Europe. China's current daily gas demand is around 16 billion cubic feet a day, and imports account for 31.6% of total consumption.

Gazprom may still collect the bulk of its profits from Europe, but Asia could turn out to be its Everest. The company will use this mega-deal to boost investment in Eastern Siberia and the whole region will be reconfigured as a privileged gas hub for Japan and South Korea as well. If you want to know why no key country in Asia has been willing to "isolate" Russia in the midst of the Ukrainian crisis -- and in defiance of the Obama administration -- look no further than Pipelineistan.

Exit the Petrodollar, Enter the Gas-o-Yuan

And then, talking about anxiety in Washington, there's the fate of the petrodollar to consider, or rather the "thermonuclear" possibility that Moscow and Beijing will agree on payment for the Gazprom-CNPC deal not in petrodollars but in Chinese yuan. One can hardly imagine a more tectonic shift, with Pipelineistan intersecting with a growing Sino-Russian political-economic-energy partnership. Along with it goes the future possibility of a push, led again by China and Russia, toward a new international reserve currency -- actually a basket of currencies -- that would supersede the dollar (at least in the optimistic dreams of BRICS members).

Right after the potentially game-changing Sino-Russian summit comes a BRICS summit in Brazil in July. That's when a $100 billion BRICS development bank, announced in 2012, will officially be born as a potential alternative to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank as a source of project financing for the developing world.

More BRICS cooperation meant to bypass the dollar is reflected in the "Gas-o-yuan," as in natural gas bought and paid for in Chinese currency. Gazprom is even considering marketing bonds in yuan as part of the financial planning for its expansion. Yuan-backed bonds are already trading in Hong Kong, Singapore, London, and most recently Frankfurt.

Nothing could be more sensible for the new Pipelineistan deal than to have it settled in yuan. Beijing would pay Gazprom in that currency (convertible into rubles); Gazprom would accumulate the yuan; and Russia would then buy myriad made-in-China goods and services in yuan convertible into rubles.

It's common knowledge that banks in Hong Kong, from Standard Chartered to HSBC -- as well as others closely linked to China via trade deals -- have been diversifying into the yuan, which implies that it could become one of the de facto global reserve currencies even before it's fully convertible. (Beijing is unofficially working for a fully convertible yuan by 2018.)

The Russia-China gas deal is inextricably tied up with the energy relationship between the European Union (EU) and Russia. After all, the bulk of Russia's gross domestic product comes from oil and gas sales, as does much of its leverage in the Ukraine crisis. In turn, Germany depends on Russia for a hefty 30% of its natural gas supplies. Yet Washington's geopolitical imperatives -- spiced up with Polish hysteria -- have meant pushing Brussels to find ways to "punish" Moscow in the future energy sphere (while not imperiling present day energy relationships).

There's a consistent rumble in Brussels these days about the possible cancellation of the projected 16 billion euro South Stream pipeline, whose construction is to start in June. On completion, it would pump yet more Russian natural gas to Europe -- in this case, underneath the Black Sea (bypassing Ukraine) to Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovenia, Serbia, Croatia, Greece, Italy, and Austria.

Bulgaria, Hungary, and the Czech Republic have already made it clear that they are firmly opposed to any cancellation. And cancellation is probably not in the cards. After all, the only obvious alternative is Caspian Sea gas from Azerbaijan, and that isn't likely to happen unless the EU can suddenly muster the will and funds for a crash schedule to construct the fabled Baku-Tblisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil pipeline, conceived during the Clinton years expressly to bypass Russia and Iran.

In any case, Azerbaijan doesn't have enough capacity to supply the levels of natural gas needed, and other actors like Kazakhstan, plagued with infrastructure problems, or unreliable Turkmenistan, which prefers to sell its gas to China, are already largely out of the picture. And don't forget that South Stream, coupled with subsidiary energy projects, will create a lot of jobs and investment in many of the most economically devastated EU nations.

Nonetheless, such EU threats, however unrealistic, only serve to accelerate Russia's increasing symbiosis with Asian markets. For Beijing especially, it's a win-win situation. After all, between energy supplied across seas policed and controlled by the U.S. Navy and steady, stable land routes out of Siberia, it's no contest.

Pick Your Own Silk Road

Of course, the U.S. dollar remains the top global reserve currency, involving 33% of global foreign exchange holdings at the end of 2013, according to the IMF. It was, however, at 55% in 2000. Nobody knows the percentage in yuan (and Beijing isn't talking), but the IMF notes that reserves in "other currencies" in emerging markets have been up 400% since 2003.

The Fed is arguably monetizing 70% of the U.S. government debt in an attempt to keep interest rates from heading skywards. Pentagon adviser Jim Rickards, as well as every Hong Kong-based banker, tends to believe that the Fed is bust (though they won't say it on the record). No one can even imagine the extent of the possible future deluge the U.S. dollar might experience amid a $1.4 trillion Mount Ararat of financial derivatives. Don't think that this is the death knell of Western capitalism, however, just the faltering of that reigning economic faith, neoliberalism, still the official ideology of the United States, the overwhelming majority of the European Union, and parts of Asia and South America.

As far as what might be called the "authoritarian neoliberalism" of the Middle Kingdom, what's not to like at the moment? China has proven that there is a result-oriented alternative to the Western "democratic" capitalist model for nations aiming to be successful. It's building not one, but myriad new Silk Roads, massive webs of high-speed railways, highways, pipelines, ports, and fiber optic networks across huge parts of Eurasia. These include a Southeast Asian road, a Central Asian road, an Indian Ocean "maritime highway" and even a high-speed rail line through Iran and Turkey reaching all the way to Germany.

In April, when President Xi Jinping visited the city of Duisburg on the Rhine River, with the largest inland harbor in the world and right in the heartland of Germany's Ruhr steel industry, he made an audacious proposal: a new "economic Silk Road" should be built between China and Europe, on the basis of the Chongqing-Xinjiang-Europe railway, which already runs from China to Kazakhstan, then through Russia, Belarus, Poland, and finally Germany. That's 15 days by train, 20 less than for cargo ships sailing from China's eastern seaboard. Now that would represent the ultimate geopolitical earthquake in terms of integrating economic growth across Eurasia.

Keep in mind that, if no bubbles burst, China is about to become -- and remain -- the number one global economic power, a position it enjoyed for 18 of the past 20 centuries. But don't tell London hagiographers; they still believe that U.S. hegemony will last, well, forever.

Take Me to Cold War 2.0

Despite recent serious financial struggles, the BRICS countries have been consciously working to become a counterforce to the original and -- having tossed Russia out in March -- once again Group of 7, or G7. They are eager to create a new global architecture to replace the one first imposed in the wake of World War II, and they see themselves as a potential challenge to the exceptionalist and unipolar world that Washington imagines for our future (with itself as the global robocop and NATO as its robo-police force). Historian and imperialist cheerleader Ian Morris, in his book War! What is it Good For?, defines the U.S. as the ultimate "globocop" and "the last best hope of Earth." If that globocop "wearies of its role," he writes, "there is no plan B."

Well, there is a plan BRICS -- or so the BRICS nations would like to think, at least. And when the BRICS do act in this spirit on the global stage, they quickly conjure up a curious mix of fear, hysteria, and pugnaciousness in the Washington establishment. Take Christopher Hill as an example. The former assistant secretary of state for East Asia and U.S. ambassador to Iraq is now an advisor with the Albright Stonebridge Group, a consulting firm deeply connected to the White House and the State Department. When Russia was down and out, Hill used to dream of a hegemonic American "new world order." Now that the ungrateful Russians have spurned what "the West has been offering" -- that is, "special status with NATO, a privileged relationship with the European Union, and partnership in international diplomatic endeavors" -- they are, in his view, busy trying to revive the Soviet empire. Translation: if you're not our vassals, you're against us. Welcome to Cold War 2.0.

The Pentagon has its own version of this directed not so much at Russia as at China, which, its think tank on future warfare claims, is already at war with Washington in a number of ways. So if it's not apocalypse now, it's Armageddon tomorrow. And it goes without saying that whatever's going wrong, as the Obama administration very publicly "pivots" to Asia and the American media fills with talk about a revival of Cold War-era "containment policy" in the Pacific, it's all China's fault.

Embedded in the mad dash toward Cold War 2.0 are some ludicrous facts-on-the-ground: the U.S. government, with $17.5 trillion in national debt and counting, is contemplating a financial showdown with Russia, the largest global energy producer and a major nuclear power, just as it's also promoting an economically unsustainable military encirclement of its largest creditor, China.

Russia runs a sizeable trade surplus. Humongous Chinese banks will have no trouble helping Russian banks out if Western funds dry up. In terms of inter-BRICS cooperation, few projects beat a $30 billion oil pipeline in the planning stages that will stretch from Russia to India via Northwest China. Chinese companies are already eagerly discussing the possibility of taking part in the creation of a transport corridor from Russia into Crimea, as well as an airport, shipyard, and liquid natural gas terminal there. And there's another "thermonuclear" gambit in the making: the birth of a natural gas equivalent to the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries that would include Russia, Iran, and reportedly disgruntled U.S. ally Qatar.

The (unstated) BRICS long-term plan involves the creation of an alternative economic system featuring a basket of gold-backed currencies that would bypass the present America-centric global financial system. (No wonder Russia and China are amassing as much gold as they can.) The euro -- a sound currency backed by large liquid bond markets and huge gold reserves -- would be welcomed in as well.

It's no secret in Hong Kong that the Bank of China has been using a parallel SWIFT network to conduct every kind of trade with Tehran, which is under a heavy U.S. sanctions regime. With Washington wielding Visa and Mastercard as weapons in a growing Cold War-style economic campaign against Russia, Moscow is about to implement an alternative payment and credit card system not controlled by Western finance. An even easier route would be to adopt the Chinese Union Pay system, whose operations have already overtaken American Express in global volume.

I'm Just Pivoting With Myself

No amount of Obama administration "pivoting" to Asia to contain China (and threaten it with U.S. Navy control of the energy sea lanes to that country) is likely to push Beijing far from its Deng Xiaoping-inspired, self-described "peaceful development" strategy meant to turn it into a global powerhouse of trade. Nor are the forward deployment of U.S. or NATO troops in Eastern Europe or other such Cold-War-ish acts likely to deter Moscow from a careful balancing act: ensuring that Russia's sphere of influence in Ukraine remains strong without compromising trade and commercial, as well as political, ties with the European Union -- above all, with strategic partner Germany. This is Moscow's Holy Grail; a free-trade zone from Lisbon to Vladivostok, which (not by accident) is mirrored in China's dream of a new Silk Road to Germany.

Increasingly wary of Washington, Berlin for its part abhors the notion of Europe being caught in the grips of a Cold War 2.0. German leaders have more important fish to fry, including trying to stabilize a wobbly EU while warding off an economic collapse in southern and central Europe and the advance of ever more extreme rightwing parties.

On the other side of the Atlantic, President Obama and his top officials show every sign of becoming entangled in their own pivoting -- to Iran, to China, to Russia's eastern borderlands, and (under the radar) to Africa. The irony of all these military-first maneuvers is that they are actually helping Moscow, Tehran, and Beijing build up their own strategic depth in Eurasia and elsewhere, as reflected in Syria, or crucially in ever more energy deals. They are also helping cement the growing strategic partnership between China and Iran. The unrelenting Ministry of Truth narrative out of Washington about all these developments now carefully ignores the fact that, without Moscow, the "West" would never have sat down to discuss a final nuclear deal with Iran or gotten a chemical disarmament agreement out of Damascus.

When the disputes between China and its neighbors in the South China Sea and between that country and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyou islands meet the Ukraine crisis, the inevitable conclusion will be that both Russia and China consider their borderlands and sea lanes private property and aren't going to take challenges quietly -- be it via NATO expansion, U.S. military encirclement, or missile shields. Neither Beijing nor Moscow is bent on the usual form of imperialist expansion, despite the version of events now being fed to Western publics. Their "red lines" remain essentially defensive in nature, no matter the bluster sometimes involved in securing them.

Whatever Washington may want or fear or try to prevent, the facts on the ground suggest that, in the years ahead, Beijing, Moscow, and Tehran will only grow closer, slowly but surely creating a new geopolitical axis in Eurasia. Meanwhile, a discombobulated America seems to be aiding and abetting the deconstruction of its own unipolar world order, while offering the BRICS a genuine window of opportunity to try to change the rules of the game.

Russia and China in Pivot Mode

In Washington's think-tank land, the conviction that the Obama administration should be focused on replaying the Cold War via a new version of containment policy to "limit the development of Russia as a hegemonic power" has taken hold. The recipe: weaponize the neighbors from the Baltic states to Azerbaijan to "contain" Russia. Cold War 2.0 is on because, from the point of view of Washington's elites, the first one never really left town.

Yet as much as the U.S. may fight the emergence of a multipolar, multi-powered world, economic facts on the ground regularly point to such developments. The question remains: Will the decline of the hegemon be slow and reasonably dignified, or will the whole world be dragged down with it in what has been called "the Samson option"?

While we watch the spectacle unfold, with no end game in sight, keep in mind that a new force is growing in Eurasia, with the Sino-Russian strategic alliance threatening to dominate its heartland along with great stretches of its inner rim. Now, that's a nightmare of Mackinderesque proportions from Washington's point of view. Think, for instance, of how Zbigniew Brzezinski, the former national security adviser who became a mentor on global politics to President Obama, would see it.

In his 1997 book The Grand Chessboard, Brzezinski argued that "the struggle for global primacy [would] continue to be played" on the Eurasian "chessboard," of which "Ukraine was a geopolitical pivot." "If Moscow regains control over Ukraine," he wrote at the time, Russia would "automatically regain the wherewithal to become a powerful imperial state, spanning Europe and Asia." That remains most of the rationale behind the American imperial containment policy -- from Russia's European "near abroad" to the South China Sea. Still, with no endgame in sight, keep your eye on Russia pivoting to Asia, China pivoting across the world, and the BRICS hard at work trying to bring about the new Eurasian Century.
(c) 2014 Pepe Escobar is the roving correspondent for Asia Times. His latest book is "Obama Does Globalistan." He may be reached at pepeasia@yahoo.com







In Oklahoma, "Conservative" Means Serving Corporate Power

Oklahomans have been socked with a surprise from their own, supposedly-"conservative" state officials.

It seems that thousands of Sooners have been putting solar panels on their homes to save on energy costs and reduce fossil-fuel pollution. Switching to solar even allows them to generate excess electricity, which they can transmit back to the grid and earn a credit on their monthly bills. To reward such common sense and socially-beneficial energy innovation, the state's Republican-controlled government slapped a new "fee" - actually, a tax - on the bills of those who convert from grid takers to grid producers in the future.

This crude slap in the face came with no advance notice, no public hearings, and no legislative debate. "It just appeared out of nowhere," said one local solar business owner.

But this was not from "nowhere." It came from a secretive corporate front group called ALEC, the American Legislative Exchange Council. In exchange for getting millions of dollars from the Koch brothers, utilities, and other dirty-energy interests, ALEC is peddling a cookie-cutter bill from state-to-state that stops homeowners from switching to solar by taxing the energy they produce. ALEC even adds insult to the injury its Koch-headed backers are doing by calling such homeowners "freeriders on the system."

Oklahoma Gov. Mary Fallin, who was in on this despicable sneak attack from the start, had her ego stroked by the Koch-financed front group last year. ALEC presented its "Thomas Jefferson Freedom Award" to Fallin for her "record of advancing ... free markets... and individual liberty."

Now we know what the Koch-ALEC complex means by "free markets" and "liberty." They mean that corporate energy interests should be free to stifle our individual liberty. Thomas Jefferson would be ashamed to have his name attached to anything that this cabal of corporate and governmental Kleptocrats come up with.
(c) 2014 Jim Hightower's latest book, "If The Gods Had Meant Us To Vote They Would Have Given Us Candidates," is available in a fully revised and updated paperback edition.








One Day We Will All Strike For More Than One Day
By David Swanson

An international one-day strike by fast-food workers is something new, and also something old. People without a union are organizing and acting in solidarity. Others are joining in support of their moral demand for a living wage. They're holding rallies. They're shutting down restaurants. They're using Occupy's people's microphone. They're targeting the one-percenter CEO of McDonald's who apparently is paid $9,002 per hour for the public service of ruining our health with horrible tasting processed imitation food.

Jeremy Brecher has released a revised, expanded, and updated edition of his 40-year-old book, Strike, that includes the origins of these fast-food worker strikes and puts them in the context of a history of the strike in the United States dating back to 1877. This opening passage of Chapter 1 sets the context beautifully:

"In the centers of many American cities are positioned huge armories, grim nineteenth-century edifices of brick or stone. They are fortresses complete with massive walls and loopholes for guns. You may have wondered why they are there, but it has probably never occurred to you that they were built to protect America not against invasion from abroad but against popular revolt at home."
And what revolts there have been! Brecher's book should be read for inspiration. The most marginalized of workers have repeatedly taken matters into their own hands and won radical changes for the better. Success has followed selfless acts of solidarity. Failure has followed strategic calculation and compromise. The potential for greater victories has been frustrated time and again by the decision not to press working people's advantage forward -- a decision generally made by labor unions.

The vision of replacing capitalism has driven the efforts that have reformed it. A century ago, World War I provided the excuse to beat back workers. But their demands exploded upon the war's conclusion. Workers took over Seattle and ran the city, effectively replacing the government. In the 1930s, coal miners opened their own coal mines. Unemployed workers during the great depression joined picket lines in support of striking workers rather than competing with them. Workers at a rubber factory in Akron developed the sit-down strike, which spread like wildfire and might work well in McDonald's restaurants all over the world today. Customers could join workers by sitting in at tables and not eating. We could bring our own food; McDonald's has internet.

Brecher's book brings the story of strikes, including general strikes, up to the present. The lessons it teaches open up possibilities not usually considered. Brecher sums up what we're up against:

"The ideology of the existing society exercises a powerful hold on workers' minds. The longing to escape from subordination to the boss is often expressed in the dream of going into business for yourself, even though the odds against success are overwhelming. The civics book cliché that the American government represents the will of the people and is therefore legitimate survives even in those who find the government directly opposing their own needs in the interests of their employers. The desire to own a house, a car, or perhaps an independent business supports a belief in private property that makes expropriation of the great corporations seem to many a personal threat. The idea that everybody is really out for themselves, that it can be no other way, and that therefore the solution to one's problems must come from beating other people rather than cooperating with them is inculcated over and over by the very structure of life in a competitive society."
One day we will all strike, and we will strike for more than a day. We will strike until we replace the "very structure of life" with different ones. We'll strike forever, occupy everything, and never give it back.
(c) 2014 David Swanson is the author of "War Is A Lie."








The GOP's Looming Assault On Science
By James Donahue

Those elected Republicans occupying seats of power in Washington are busy planning yet another assault on things long valued by Americans. This time they are going after scientific research.

The bill is aptly named to conceal the poison written within its pages of rhetoric. They are calling it the "Frontiers in Innovation, Research, Science and Technology Act of 2014," or FIRST for short. It is the brainchild of the House committee on Science, Space and Technology. Within this bill is the machinery designed to "weed out projects whose cost can't be justified or whose sociological purpose is not apparent."

Watch out for vague descriptive phrases like this packaged in bills with names that describe the very opposite of what is written in them. Just about any research project in any laboratory in America can be construed by someone to lack "sociological purpose" or "unjustified costs."

In their teabagger-driven quest to cut government spending (without considering a halt to the war, expenditures on the Industrial Military Complex, or raising taxes on the rich), this lame-brained pack of dimwits is busy generating a bill that will allow them to clamp a lid on government research grants for just about anything going on in the nation's research laboratories.

It reminds us of the time George W. Bush blocked funding for embryonic stem cell research because he perceived the use of stem cells from human embryos in vitro as a form of murder. That decision set research on new and innovative cures for human suffering on the back burner for eight dark years.

Talk about flinging us back into the dark ages. These idiots with tea bags dangling from their hats and pockets are trudging along like zombies toward the edge of a medieval cliff at a time when amazing new scientific discoveries are being made by researchers all over the world. And they seem to want to bring everybody in America back into the dark ages with them.

Critics of the FIRST Act warn that it "represents a dangerous injection of politics into science and a direct assault on the much-cherished peer-review process by which grants are awarded."

Instead of giving the task of choosing the recipients of the grant money to learned men and women in the field of science, the bill puts the power of selection squarely into the hands of the Congress, whose members may or may not understand why the money is needed, or make bad choices for political or financial reasons.

The bill also would prevent grant recipients from seeking grant money from other sources, thus limiting the amount of money available for important research work. And after receiving grant funding for five years, the recipients can only qualify for additional money if their projects offer "original creative and transformative research."

Thus we have even more ambiguous phrases in the bill that can be skillfully used to put the brakes on important research money, with decisions being made by people who have little understanding of what they are doing.

As one writer put it: "Scientists shudder at the idea that they, let along politicians, can definitively tell whether research will pay dividends after half a decade." We all know that some research projects take years before they bring results.

While it is still in the early stages of being written and tinkered with, the FIRST Act has yet to go before the science committee for a vote. And after this, if it gets approval, it must go before the two houses and across the President's desk. We can only hope this piece of dangerous but carefully concealed legislation never sees the light of day.
(c) 2014 James L. Donahue is a retired newspaper reporter, editor and columnist with more than 40 years of experience in professional writing. He is the published author of five books, all dealing with Michigan history, and several magazine articles. He currently produces daily articles for this web site.




FCC Headquarters



The Next Four Months Will Decide The Future Of The Internet
By John Nichols

America was always going to have a great debate about net neutrality.

Cable and telecommunications companies stand to reap billions if the Internet's guarantee of equal protection for all communications is scrapped. Without net neutrality protections, they would be freed to create a pay-to-play Internet where they could charge corporations and special-interest groups to provide high-speed service, while consigning websites without benefactors to a digital dirt road.

That's too lucrative a prospect for the profiteers to give up on.

By the same token, millions of Americans recognize that, if net neutrality is compromised, they will lose what is best about the Internet-its infinite variety, its affordability, its openness and freedom. And democracy activists know, as well, that without net neutrality another media platform will be colonized by the economic and political elites that have already narrowed and warped the national discourse.

So the battle lines have been drawn for a long time.

Now, the battle begins.

On Thursday, the Federal Communications Commission voted 3-2 to formally open the latest stage of that debate. That is all that has happened. But, for defenders of net neutrality, the significance cannot be underestimated. This really is the period in which the future of the Internet will be decided.

Commissioner Mignon Clyburn made that point when she told the crowd of net neutrality supporters who gathered for the vote that, "The real call to action begins after the vote today. This is your opportunity to formally make your points on the record. You have the ear of the entire FCC. The eyes of the world are on all of us."

Clyburn was emphasizing the vital importance of public input to support maintaining a free and open Internet.

That input must be directed, in particular, toward the Democratic majority on the commission. And it must argue for a specific strategy: reclassification of Internet providers as "telecommunications services" that can be regulated in the public interest.

It is a mistake to think that the Democrats are on the same page. While they share some basic premises, they have important differences with regard to the approach the commission should take.

What the three Democrats agree on is this: the FCC has a role to play in defining net neutrality. That distinguishes them from the two Republican appointees, whose "no" votes were intended to say that this issue should be resolved by the US House and the US Senate-where the influence of the telecommunications conglomerates is great.

The Democrats are right to believe that the issue can and should stay with the FCC.

The Democrats do not appear to be in agreement, however, on how the FCC should resolve the net neutrality debate.

FCC chair Tom Wheeler, a former industry lobbyist appointed last fall to a Democratic seat by President Obama, created a firestorm when he proposed to establish an Internet fast lane that would favor free-spending corporations and special-interest groups, while discriminating against those who cannot pay to play. Wheeler's assault on net neutrality, has been met with determined opposition from Americans who want to maintain honest competition and a democratic discourse in the digital era.

The opposition has been so broad, in fact, that Wheeler tinkered with his initial proposal in hopes of easing the outcry and securing support for his response to court rulings that have required the FCC to revisit issues of Internet speed and access. He got that support Thursday from Democratic commissioners Clyburn and Jessica Rosenworcel.

But both Clynburn and Rosenworcel expressed reservation about Wheeler's approach. And rightly so.

The official line from the FCC, in anticipation of the Thursday vote, was that Wheeler's revisions "clearly reflects public input the commission has received" and that Wheeler is now "explicit that the goal is to find the best approach to ensure the Internet remains open and prevent any practices that threaten it."

Wheeler had felt the heat. His revised approach-which the commission has now approved for consideration-contains some of the language of critics, and expresses an openness to debate about what a growing consensus among responsible members of Congress and advocacy groups says is the right response to the issue: the reclassification of Internet providers as "telecommunications services."

But Wheeler never moved as far as the official pronouncements suggests. Indeed, according to The Wall Street Journal, despite the talk of "tweaks" to the initial plan, the chairman "is sticking to the same basic approach."

An analysis from Matt Wood, a public interest lawyer who formerly worked with the Media Access Project and now works with Free Press, concludes that the revisions proposed by Wheeler "fall far short." Indeed, argues Wood, "Unless the chairman reverses his fundamentally failed approach, we won't have real net neutrality-and we will have rampant discrimination online."

Wheeler has not reversed course.

Now, with the commission vote to open debate on how to maintain net neutrality, there will be many efforts to fuzz the margins of the debate. Some corporate interests will attack net neutrality itself, as will their congressional allies. Savvier players will attempt to suggest that Wheeler is trying to "strike a balance." But a balance with Internet "fast lanes" and "slow lanes" is tipped against citizens and consumers. And that's the problem with Wheeler's revision-and, as such, with the core plan that the commission will consider. For all the talk of progress, Michael Weinberg, vice president of the advocacy group Public Knowledge, says he and his group remain "concerned that the FCC is considering some kind of paid prioritization."

"Paid prioritization" would recreate the Internet as a place where, potentially, there would be superhighway service for big-ticket customers and dirt roads for small businesses, creative artists and citizen groups. In a political context, it has the potential to narrow access to ideas and reduce the range of debate. As the American Civil Liberties Union warns:

Profits and corporate disfavor of controversial viewpoints or competing services could change both what you can see on the Internet and the quality of your connection. And the need to monitor what you do online in order to play favorites means even more consumer privacy invasions piled on top of the NSA's prying eyes.
That's the fundamental fear of activists, who have contacted the FCC urging rejection of Wheeler's flawed initiative. Ironically, citizens who phoned the agency this week to express support for a free and open Internet were urged, because of the overwhelming volume of calls, to use the Internet to communicate their objections. Of course, a top objection is that, if Wheeler gets the commission to undermine net neutrality, the effectiveness of the Internet as a tool for challenging corporate abuses and bad policies will be undermined.

To keep the flow of communications going to the FCC, Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders, a net neutrality advocate, created a special form on his Senate website for citizens to use. On Tuesday, his office delivered nearly 19,000 new comments to the agency. They were added to hundreds of thousands of communications to the commission from net neutrality supporters.

Wheeler misread things when he imagined that Americans are interested in compromising when it comes to net neutrality-that, beyond the corridors of corporate and political power, there is a constituency for surrendering a little bit of Internet freedom here, a little bit of Internet openness there. There's no popular enthusiasm for creating a pay-to-play Internet. Americans in growing numbers recognize that once net neutrality is undermined, the Internet will no longer be free and open.

The simple, right and necessary response to the whole question of how to maintain net neutrality is to reclassify broadband Internet access as a telecommunications service that can be regulated in the public interest. Indeed, as media reformers note, "The FCC can't prevent online discrimination and blocking unless it reclassifies broadband providers as common carriers."

While Wheeler and his aides say they will accept some discussion of reclassification, Broadcasting & Cable magazine reports that the chairman sees the use of existing rules-rather than reclassification-as the "effective path forward."

That is a mistake.

And it is a mistake that must be countered by opponents, whose most important work on the issue of net neutrality begins now.

"Millions of people have put the FCC on notice. A pay-for-priority Internet is unacceptable," explained Free Press president Craig Aaron. "Today, both Commissioners Mignon Clyburn and Jessica Rosenworcel stated that they support prohibitions on paid prioritization and other forms of unreasonable discrimination. Tom Wheeler spoke passionately about the open Internet, but his rousing rhetoric doesn't match the reality of his proposal. The only way to accomplish the chairman's goals is to reclassify Internet service providers as common carriers."

"The Commission says it wants to hear from the public; it will be hearing a lot more. This fight will stretch into the fall, but there's one clear answer: The American people demand real net neutrality, and the FCC must restore it."

Reclassification is clearly an option.

When a clumsy previous attempt by the FCC to establish net neutrality protections was rejected in January by the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, the court did not say that the commission lacked regulatory authority-simply that it needed a better approach. As David Sohn, general legal counsel at the Center for Democracy & Technology, has noted, the court opinion laid out "exactly how the FCC essentially tied its own hands in the case, and makes it clear that the FCC has the power to fix the problem."

"The Court upheld the FCC's general authority to issue rules aimed at spurring broadband deployment, and accepted the basic policy rationale for Internet neutrality as articulated by the FCC," explained Sohn. "The arguments in favor of Internet neutrality are as strong as ever, but prior FCC decisions on how to treat broadband have painted the agency into a corner. Those decisions are not set in stone, however, and the ball is now back in the FCC's court. The FCC should reconsider its classification of broadband Internet access and re-establish its authority to enact necessary safeguards for Internet openness."

That's what the message that will be delivered by net neutrality defenders.

Recent days have seen new expressions of opposition from members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, newspaper editorials, democracy advocates, forward-looking businesses and artists. On Tuesday, rockers like Tom Morello, the Rage Against the Machine guitarist who is now playing with Bruce Springsteen; Aerosmith's Joe Perry; Pink Floyd's Roger Waters; Pearl Jam's Eddie Vedder; and REM's Michael Stipe; along with Hip-Hop pioneer Davey D, songwriters Neko Case and Erin McKeown and the contemporary-classic innovators of the Kronos Quartet, all signed an open letter to Tom Wheeler and the Federal Communications Commission declaring:

The open Internet's impact on the creative community cannot be overstated. The Internet has enabled artists to connect directly with each other and with audiences. It has eliminated the barriers of geography and taken collaborations to new levels. And it has allowed people-not corporations-to seek out the film, music and art that moves them.

Allowing broadband providers to control this once-open platform shifts power away from individual artists and creators and interferes with freedom of speech and expression. Unless the Commission restores strong nondiscrimination protections based on a solid legal framework, creativity, cultural commerce and free expression will suffer.

Your proposed path would open the door to widespread discrimination online. It would give Internet service providers the green light to implement pay-for-priority schemes that would be disastrous for startups, nonprofits and everyday Internet users who cannot afford these unnecessary tolls. We urge you to scrap these proposed rules and instead restore the principle of online nondiscrimination by reclassifying broadband as a telecommunications service.

The artists allied with the Future of Music Coalition and the Rock the Net project are correct.

The FCC does not need to have a tortured debate about trying again to do what has failed in the past.

It can reject wrongheaded proposals and destructive "compromises" and pursue the reclassification option.

The point of beginning ought to be with an "unwavering commitment" to maintaining net neutrality. That's not a radical stance. In fact, it is the stated position of FCC member Clyburn.

"There is no doubt that preserving and maintaining a free and open Internet is fundamental to the core values of our democratic society, and I have an unwavering commitment to its independence," argues the commissioner, who has been an FCC member since 2009.

That's the smart starting point, as is Clyburn's argument that the January decision by the US Court of Appeals for the DC Circuit to reject the commission's previous approach to net neutrality not as a crisis but as opening to get things right. "Unlike many," explains Clyburn, "I actually see this remand as a unique opportunity for us to take a fresh look and evaluate our policy in light of the many developments that have occurred over the last four years."

Clyburn and Commissioner Rosenworcel have offered indications that they are not happy with Wheeler's approach. Rosenworcel said Thursday, "I believe the process that got us to this rulemaking today is flawed. I would have preferred a delay. I think we moved too fast to be fair."

She did not get her delay. But she can now assure flawed process does not lead to a flawed decision to undermine net neutrality.

There is no space for compromise on that point.

The notion that a debate about net neutrality might find some digital common ground where some pay-for-prioity "fast lanes" would be allowed is rooted in a misunderstanding of how net neutrality works. Any final plan that allows for Internet "fast lanes" and "slow lanes" does not alter net neutrality; it ends net neutrality.

What is needed is a clear commitment to reclassification, rooted in recognition that "a free and open Internet is fundamental to the core values of our democratic society." If the three Democratic appointees to the commission-Clyburn, Rosenworcel and Wheeler-make that commitment, they can move quickly and responsibly to maintain net neutrality.

Reclassification is not complicated. But it is necessary.

Minnesota Senator Al Franken explains the calculus well.

"To my mind, you have to say that internet is telecommunications. That's all you have to do. That's the response to [court rulings that require a better plan from the FCC]. So you say, it's telecommunications, and then the FCC has the power to enforce Net Neutrality and continue to try to solve network management problems and we continue to have the kind of innovation that we've had, that has made the Internet what it is."
(c) 2014 John Nichols writes about politics for The Nation magazine as its Washington correspondent. His new book on protests and politics, Uprising: How Wisconsin Renewed the Politics of Protest, from Madison to Wall Street, has just been published by Nation Books. Follow John Nichols on Twitter @NicholsUprising.




Cecily McMillan.




They Can't Outlaw The Revolution
By Chris Hedges

RIKERS ISLAND, N.Y.-Cecily McMillan, the Occupy activist who on Monday morning will appear before a criminal court in New York City to be sentenced to up to seven years on a charge of assaulting a police officer, sat in a plastic chair wearing a baggy, oversized gray jumpsuit, cheap brown plastic sandals and horn-rim glasses. Other women, also dressed in prison-issued gray jumpsuits, sat nearby in the narrow, concrete-walled visitation room clutching their children, tears streaming down their faces. The children, bewildered, had their arms wrapped tightly around their mothers' necks. It looked like the disaster scene it was.

"It's all out in the open here," said the 25-year-old student, who was to have graduated May 22 with a master's degree from The New School of Social Research in New York City. "The cruelty of power can't hide like it does on the outside. You get America, everything America has become, especially for poor people of color in prison. My lawyers think I will get two years. But two years is nothing compared to what these women, who never went to trial, never had the possibility of a trial with adequate legal representation, face. There are women in my dorm who, because they have such a poor command of English, do not even understand their charges. I spent a lot of time trying to explain the charges to them."

McMillan says Grantley Bovell, who was in plainclothes and did not identify himself as a police officer, grabbed her from behind during a March 17, 2012, gathering of several hundred Occupy activists in Manhattan's Zuccotti Park. In a video of the incident she appears to have instinctively elbowed him in the face, but she says she has no memory of what happened. Video and photographs-mostly not permitted by the trial judge to be shown in the courtroom-buttressed her version of events. There is no dispute that she was severely beaten by police and taken from the park to a hospital where she was handcuffed to a bed. On May 5 she was found guilty after a three-week trial of a felony assault in the second degree. She can receive anything from probation to seven years in prison.

"I am prepared mentally for a long sentence," she told me this past weekend when I interviewed her at the Rikers Island prison in the Bronx. "I watched the trial. I watched the judge. This was never about justice. Just as it is not about justice for these other women. One mother was put in here for shoplifting after she lost her job and her house and needed to feed her children. There is another prisoner, a preschool teacher with a 1-year-old son she was breastfeeding, who let her cousin stay with her after her cousin was evicted. It turns out the cousin sold drugs. The cops found money, not drugs, that the cousin kept in the house and took the mother. They told her to leave her child with the neighbors. There is story after story in here like this. It wakes you up."

McMillan's case is emblematic of the nationwide judicial persecution of activists, a persecution familiar to poor people of color. Her case stands in contrast with the blanket impunity given to the criminals of Wall Street. Some 8,000 nonviolent Occupy protesters have been arrested. Not one banker or investor has gone to jail for causing the 2008 financial meltdown. The disparity of justice mirrors the disparity in incomes and the disparity in power.

Occupy activists across the country have been pressured to "plea out" on felony charges in exchange for sentences of years of probation, which not only carry numerous restrictions, including being unable to attend law school or serve on a jury, but make it difficult for them to engage in further activism for fear of arrest and violating their probation. McMillan was offered the same plea deal but refused it. She was one of the few who went to trial.

"I am deeply committed to nonviolence, especially in the face of all the violence around me inside and outside this prison," she said in the interview. "I could not accept this deal. I had to fight back. That is why I am an activist. Being branded as someone who was violent was intolerable."

McMillan's case is as much about our right to nonviolent protest as it is about McMillan. It is about our right to carry out such protest without being subjected to police violence intended to crush peaceful and lawful dissent. It is about our right to engage in political organization without our groups being monitored and infiltrated by the security and surveillance state. It is about our right of free speech and free assembly, guaranteed under the Constitution but effectively stripped from us in a series of judicial rulings and through municipal ordinances that make it impossible to protest in many U.S. cities.

Judge Ronald A. Zweibel was caustic and hostile to McMillan and her defense team during the trial. He barred video evidence that would have helped her case. He issued a gag order that forbade the defense lawyers, Martin Stolar and Rebecca Heinegg, to communicate with the press. And, astonishingly, he denied McMillan bail.

The judge also assiduously protected Bovell against challenges to his credibility. He refused to allow the jurors to hear about or see the excessive police violence that was used to clear the park the night McMillan was arrested-violence many activists say was the most indiscriminate and abusive ever inflicted during the Occupy movement. He hid Bovell's history of misconduct as a police officer from the jury. Bovell has been investigated at least twice by the internal affairs section of the New York City Police Department, the Guardian newspaper reported. Bovell and his police partner, in one of the cases, were sued for allegedly using an unmarked police car to strike a 17-year-old fleeing on a dirt bike. The teenager said his nose was broken, two teeth were knocked out and his forehead was lacerated. The case was settled out of court for a significant amount of money. There is also a video that appears to show Bovell relentlessly kicking a suspect on the floor of a Bronx grocery. In addition, Bovell was involved in a ticket-fixing scandal in his Bronx precinct. And Austin Guest, 33, a Harvard University graduate who was arrested at Zuccotti Park on the night McMillan was assaulted, is suing Bovell and the NYPD because the officer allegedly intentionally banged his head on the internal stairs and seats of a bus that took him and other activists in for processing. The judge barred the running down of the teenager on the dirt bike and Bovell's alleged abuse of Guest from being discussed in front of the jury.

The case has galvanized many activists, who see in McMillan's persecution the persecution of movements across the globe struggling for nonviolent democratic change. McMillan was visited in Rikers by Russia human rights campaigners of the group Pussy Riot. Hundreds of people, including nine of the 12 jurors and some New York City Council members, have urged Judge Zweibel to be lenient. Some 160,000 people have signed an online petition calling on Mayor Bill de Blasio and Gov. Andrew Cuomo to intervene on her behalf. But so far pleas like these have failed to mollify the corporate state's determination to use the McMillan case as a tool to prevent any new mass movements.

"I am very conscious of how privileged I am, especially in here," McMillan said. "When you are in prison white privilege works against you. You tend to react when you come out of white privilege by saying 'you can't do that' when prison authorities force you to do something arbitrary and meaningless. But the poor understand the system. They know it is absurd, capricious and senseless, that it is all about being forced to pay deference to power. If you react out of white privilege it sets you apart. I have learned to respond as a collective, to speak to authority in a unified voice. And this has been good for me. I needed this."

"We can talk about movement theory all we want," she went on. "We can read Michel Foucault or Pierre Bourdieu, but at a certain point it becomes a game. You have to get out and live it. You have to actually build a movement. And if we don't get to work to build a movement now there will be no one studying movement theory in a decade because there will be no movements. I can do this in prison. I can do this out of prison. It is all one struggle."

McMillan has been held in Rikers' Rose M. Singer Center, Dorm 2 East B, with about 40 other women. They sleep in rows of cots. Nearly all the women are poor mothers of color, most of them black, Hispanic or Chinese. McMillan is giving lessons in English in exchange for lessons in Spanish.

McMillan has bonded with an African-American woman known as "Fat Baby" who ogled her and told her she had nice legs. Fat Baby threw out a couple of lame pickup lines that, McMillan said, "sounded as if she was a construction worker. I told her I would teach her some pickup lines that were a little more subtle."

McMillan, who is required to have a prison activity, participates in the drug rehabilitation program although she did not use drugs. She is critical of the instructor's feeding of "positive" and Christian thinking to the inmates, some of whom are Muslims. "It is all about the power of positive thinking, about how they made mistakes and bad choices in life and now they can correct those mistakes by taking another road, a Christian road, to a new life," she said. "This focus on happy thoughts pervades the prison. There is little analysis of the structural causes for poverty and oppression. It is as if it was all about decisions we made, not that were made for us. And this is how those in power want it. This kind of thinking induces passivity."

McMillan was receiving 30 to 40 letters daily at Rikers but during the week before the interview was told every day that she had none. She suspects the prison has cut off the flow of mail to her.

Because my pens and paper were confiscated during the two-hour process it took to enter the prison, after the visit I had to reconstruct the notes from our conversation, which lasted an hour and a half. The entry process is normal for visitors, who on weekends stand in long lines in metal chutes outside the prison. My body was searched and my clothing was minutely inspected for contraband, and I had to go through two metal detectors.

During the interview a guard asked McMillan to roll down her sleeves and admonished her once for crossing her legs. "You scratch a hole in the crotch," McMillan said, running a fingernail up and down the crotch seam of her jumpsuit. "You make a small hole. And when the visitor slips you a cigarette you push up your vagina. I am learning a lot in prison. I have gotten very good at hiding books on my way to medical and stealing food to bring back to the dorm."

"It is hard to read, it is hard to write," she went on. "There is constant movement and constant noise."

She was working Sunday on the statement she would read in court Monday. She said it draws heavily from Leo Tolstoy's "The Kingdom of God Is Within You."

McMillan had just finished writing a message to supporters who planned to rally in her support Sunday afternoon in New York City. She told them:

I came to New York the summer of 2011 to go to school-Rikers Island was definitely not on my list of intended experiences. Though I did call myself "a radical" that title stretched only as far to include plans to start a socialist student chapter and study welfare policy with aims of improving it. Within 1 week, these plans were railroaded by the Occupy Wall Street Movement-and for the following 3 months, I did little else.

Like many, the eviction of Zuccotti left me lost, searching for that infectious energy that bound so many together in efforts to transform the world. Like many, I've spent the time since trying to understand what we had & striving to get back to it.

Like many I point to a lack of militancy in our movement-a commitment of one's entire being-personally, politically, emotionally & physically-to the greater good. But I examined what action those beautiful words entailed, I exchanged "militancy" for the concept of "love ethic"-a distinction born of the belief that fights between "usses and thems" run counter to the collective "we". "We" being human society with each person as an integral part-that must be seen, heard, felt & loved-in order to transform the whole.

Like many, I found my beliefs easy to come by but difficult to act on. I always strived, but often struggled, to see, hear, feel, to love-even as I expected as much in return. I began to question, "If it is such a struggle to solidify amongst a few, how can we hope to strengthen love ethic across the many?"

Unlike most, when my trial began: friends formed a support structure, comrades came to court, journalists reported injustices. When the verdict was read, cries of outrage were heard, the news spread, & sympathy was shared from around the world.

Unlike most, during my weakest hour, I had never felt more supported. Though I had never ever felt more oppressed, I had never felt so loved. I stand resolved to keep fighting, because your love ethic props me up and allows me to do so.

Unlike most, I am blessed with the support of so many. And though I am thankful, I am also thoughtful of the many forced to face such oppression alone. I know you have already done so much, but I'm going to ask for one thing more:

If you feel safe enough to share, please raise your hand if you have suffered police violence? If you have suffered sexual violence? If you have suffered the violence of the justice system? If you have suffered the violence of the prison system?

Oppression is rampant. Take a moment to try & really see, hear, feel the suffering of the many around you. Now imagine the power of your collective love ethic to stand against it.

Only through the pervasive spread of such a love ethic by the many for the many-not just the privileged few-will we finally have ourselves a movement.

McMillan takes comfort from her supporters and her family and from those of her heroes who endured prison for a just cause. She reads and rereads the speech Eugene V. Debs made to a federal court in Cleveland before he went to prison for opposing the draft in World War I. His words, she said, have become her own.

"Your honor, years ago I recognized my kinship with all living beings, and I made up my mind that I was not one bit better than the meanest on earth," Debs said. "I said it then, as I say it now, that while there is a lower class, I am in it, and while there is a criminal element I am of it, and while there is a soul in prison, I am not free."
(c) 2014 Chris Hedges, the former Middle East bureau chief for The New York Times, spent seven years in the Middle East. He was part of the paper's team of reporters who won the 2002 Pulitzer Prize for coverage of global terrorism. He is the author of War Is a Force That Gives Us Meaning and American Fascists: The Christian Right and the War on America. His latest book is, ""Death Of The Liberal Class."








Fortune: "There Is A Strong Case" General Catalyst Violated New Jersey Pay-To-Play Rules
By David Sirota

Fortune magazine's Boston-based correspondent Dan Primack has been a longtime critic of PandoDaily. He has also been an enthusiastic defender of the financial industry and a stalwart defender Gov. Chris Christie's pension officials.

So it is pretty astounding that, in responding to our reporting of the burgeoning pension scandal engulfing Gov. Chris Christie and Massachusetts gubernatorial candidate Charlie Baker, Primack aggressively criticizes VC firm General Catalyst. He even goes so far as to argue there's a strong case they violated New Jersey's "pay to play" rules.

Here's Primack, writing up his interview with Baker:

Did General Catalyst violate New Jersey "pay-to-play" rules?

I believe there is a strong case that it did. New Jersey has much stricter rules than does the SEC, and covered persons include anyone "associated with an investment management firm who is primarily engaged in the provision of investment management services." Among the definitions of such services is "the provision of financial advisory or consultant services."

During yesterday's interview, I asked Baker what his role was at General Catalyst. He said: "As an XIR we have two roles. One is to work with the firm to seek out and find interesting companies although, in the end, the decisions aren't made by us. The other role is to help and work with certain companies in which the firm does invest as a domain expert."

To me, that sounds as if he was providing consultant services (i.e., what is explicitly prohibited by New Jersey law). Which is exactly what I told Baker, who quickly replied: "No," but then proceeded to basically say the exact same thing again.

He tells me that he was briefed on firm policies upon joining, but that he "can't remember" if political donations were among the topics of discussion.

Primack joins a former SEC chairman, a former Assistant U.S. Attorney, a former FEC General Counsel and watchdog groups in raising serious legal questions about the Christie/Baker scandal.

He also repeats something I noted in my appearance this week on MSNBC's Rachel Maddow Show: if you take the Christie administration at its word (granted, a big "if"), Christie officials do not appear to do even the most minimal form of due diligence in awarding public pension contracts. As Primack says:

It also is worth noting that New Jersey Investment Council staff does not actually run listed names through the state's database of political contributions. Moreover, it does not check alternate sources - such as firm websites - to see if the firm may have inappropriately excluded certain individuals.

A source familiar with the situation blames a lack of resources, particularly when it comes to larger investment managers...

So, if you take Christie officials at their word, they simply rely on firms to self-report violations of the pay-to-play rules, and the Christie administration doesn't even bother to check the New Jersey State government's own records to see if violations are occurring. In other words, before awarding investment management firms pension contracts, the New Jersey state government apparently doesn't even look at its own website to see if investment management firms have made contributions to state politicians or parties.

Of course, there's no reason to simply to take the Christie officials' word on that, which is why our reporting will continue. But even if you do take their word on it, such negligence would be troubling, to say the least. It would also be no legal excuse for violations of the rules.
(c) 2014 David Sirota is a nationally syndicated newspaper columnist, magazine journalist, a staff writer at PandoDaily and the best-selling author of "Hostile Takeover" and "The Uprising." He hosts the morning show on AM760 in Colorado and blogs at OpenLeft.com. E-mail him at ds@davidsirota.com. David Sirota is a former spokesperson for the House Appropriations Committee. Follow him on Twitter @davidsirota.




Timmy gives the corpo-rat salute!




Springtime For Bankers
By Paul Krugman

By any normal standard, economic policy since the onset of the financial crisis has been a dismal failure. It's true that we avoided a full replay of the Great Depression. But employment has taken more than six years to claw its way back to pre-crisis levels - years when we should have been adding millions of jobs just to keep up with a rising population. Long-term unemployment is still almost three times as high as it was in 2007; young people, often burdened by college debt, face a highly uncertain future.

Now Timothy Geithner, who was Treasury secretary for four of those six years, has published a book, "Stress Test," about his experiences. And basically, he thinks he did a heckuva job.

He's not unique in his self-approbation. Policy makers in Europe, where employment has barely recovered at all and a number of countries are in fact experiencing Depression-level distress, have even less to boast about. Yet they too are patting themselves on the back.

How can people feel good about track records that are objectively so bad? Partly it's the normal human tendency to make excuses, to argue that you did the best you could under the circumstances. And Mr. Geithner can indeed blame much though not all of what went wrong on scorched-earth Republican obstructionism.

But there's also something else going on. In both Europe and America, economic policy has to a large extent been governed by the implicit slogan "Save the bankers, save the world" - that is, restore confidence in the financial system and prosperity will follow. And government actions have indeed restored financial confidence. Unfortunately, we're still waiting for the promised prosperity.

Much of Mr. Geithner's book is devoted to a defense of the U.S. financial bailout, which he sees as a huge success story - which it was, if financial confidence is viewed as an end in itself. Credit markets, which seized up after Lehman fell, mostly returned to normal during Mr. Geithner's first year in office. Stock indexes rebounded, and have hit new records. Even subprime-backed securities - the infamous "toxic waste" that was poisoning the financial system - eventually regained a significant part of their value.

Thanks to this financial recovery, bailing out Wall Street didn't even end up costing a lot of taxpayer money: resurgent banks were able to repay their loans, and the government was able to sell its equity stakes at a profit.

But where is the rebound in the real economy? Where are the jobs? Saving Wall Street, it seems, wasn't nearly enough. Why?

One reason for sluggish recovery is that U.S. policy "pivoted," far too early, from a focus on jobs to a focus on budget deficits. Mr. Geithner denies that he bears any responsibility for this pivot, declaring "I was not an austerian." In his version, the administration got all it could in the face of Republican opposition. That doesn't match independent reporting, which portrays Mr. Geithner ridiculing fiscal stimulus as "sugar" that would yield no long-term benefit.

But fiscal austerity wasn't the only reason recovery has been so disappointing. Many analysts believe that the burden of high household debt, a legacy of the housing bubble, has been a big drag on the economy. And there was, arguably, a lot the Obama administration could have done to reduce debt burdens without Congressional approval. But it didn't; it didn't even spend funds specifically allocated for that purpose. Why? According to many accounts, the biggest roadblock was Mr. Geithner's consistent opposition to mortgage debt relief - he was, if you like, all for bailing out banks but against bailing out families.

"Stress Test" asserts that no conceivable amount of mortgage debt relief could have done much to boost the economy. But the leading experts on this subject are the economists Atif Mian and Amir Sufi, whose just-published book "House of Debt" argues very much the contrary. On their blog, Mr. Mian and Mr. Sufi point out that Mr. Geithner's arithmetic on the issue seems weirdly wrong - order of magnitude wrong - giving much less weight to the role of debt in holding back spending than the consensus of economic research. And that doesn't even take into account the further benefits that would have flowed from a sharp reduction in foreclosures.

In the end, the story of economic policy since 2008 has been that of a remarkable double standard. Bad loans always involve mistakes on both sides - if borrowers were irresponsible, so were the people who lent them money. But when crisis came, bankers were held harmless for their errors while families paid full price.

And refusing to help families in debt, it turns out, wasn't just unfair; it was bad economics. Wall Street is back, but America isn't, and the double standard is the main reason.
(c) 2014 Paul Krugman --- The New York Times









The Quotable Quote...



"What the people want is very simple - they want an America as good as its promise."
~~~ Barbara Jordan





Medea Benjamin, co-founder of the political activist group Code Pink, was forcibly
removed by security after speaking out against President Barack Obama during his
counterterrorism speech in May of 2013.




Standing Up, One Year Later: President Obama's Broken Foreign Policy Promises
By Medea Benjamin

A year ago, on May 23, 2013, I was in the audience at the National Defense University when President Barack Obama gave his major foreign policy address. Having worked for years trying to close the Guantanamo prison and stop US drone attacks, I was crushed to realize that the president's speech was ending and he had not announced any significant change of course on either policy. My heart was pounding with fear-it's not an easy thing to interrupt a president, but I decided to speak up.

I tried to channel the anguish of Guantanamo prisoners like Moath al-Alwi, held without trial since 2002 and on his ninth month of a hunger strike. I cringe just thinking about Alwi's daily force-feeding, where he is strapped to a chair with a tube shoved down his nose, leaving him violently vomiting and in excruciating pain. I thought of the tears of 13-year-old Awda Al-Shubati, a sweet young girl I met in Yemen who sobbed while clutching a worn picture of the father she has never seen because he has been held in Guantanamo-with no chance of a trial-since the time she was born.

I thought of innocent drone strike victims, like 68-year-old Pakistani grandmother Manama al-Bibi, blown to bits by a Hellfire missile while picking okra in her family's field, or Abdulrahman Al-Awlaki, a 16-year-old American obliterated while eating dinner with his teenage friends in a small Yemini village. My mind raced through the dozens of photos I have seen of children whose lives have been snuffed out, forever, with the press of a button from a remotely controlled Predator drone.

I stood, heart pounding even harder, and shouted "You are the Commander in Chief, you have the power to release the 86 prisoners who have already been cleared for release!" I continued to speak out about closing Guantanamo and ending the drone strikes as the Secret Service and FBI surrounded me, and grabbed at my arms. I told them in a low voice "I'm having a dialogue with the President. You really don't want to pull me out, because that will be very, very bad for everybody" and that bought me a little more time.

It was clear he was listening, and he responded graciously. "The voice of that woman is worth paying attention to," he said. "I'm willing to cut [her] some slack because it's worth being passionate about this. Is this who we are? Is that something our Founders foresaw?"

One year later, though, these profound questions still weigh heavily on our nation. While the President announced that he was appointing new senior envoys to deal with the Guantanamo fiasco, merely 12 prisoners have been released all year, leaving 154 men still locked up. Shamefully, 77 of them were cleared for release years ago-meaning the US government has deemed them innocent or not a threat to Americans-but remain behind bars. Most of the others are still held without trial. The President's inability to secure fair trials or the release of cleared prisoners continues to exact an unbearable human toll.

Regarding drone attacks, the President pledged in his speech to only target terrorists who pose a continuing and imminent threat to the American people and only when there is "near certainty that no civilians will be killed or injured." From 2012 to 2013, the number of attacks in Pakistan has indeed decreased by almost 50% (from 50 strikes to 27), which is a positive development. But in Yemen, there has been a spike of new strikes and according to the Yemeni legal group HOOD, most of the militant suspects killed could have been captured and tried instead. And the promise to carefully guard civilian lives proved empty when drone missiles tragically hit a wedding party on December 12, leaving twelve innocent party-goers dead.

President Obama said that the deaths of innocent people from the drone attacks will haunt him as long as he lives. But he is still unwilling to acknowledge those deaths, apologize to the families, or compensate them.

In that May 23 speech, the President talked about the controversial drone strike that killed American-born cleric Anwar Awlaki. He announced that he had authorized "the declassification of this action, and the deaths of three other Americans in drone strikes to facilitate transparency and debate on this issue." On May 20 the administration announced that it would declassify one of the drone memos, complying with an April 21 court order-- but did not say when this would happen. Obama awarded the drone memo author, David Barron, with a federal judgeship.

In another move to crush transparency, the Obama administration has taken the over 6,000-page report on the use of torture during the Bush years, laboriously researched by the Senate Intelligence Committee, and placed it in the hands of the very entity that carried out the torture, the CIA, to redact before making it public. Many believe the torture report will never see the light of day or will be so edited as to make it worthless.

Meanwhile, both Guantanamo and drone attacks have become recruiting tools that have helped embolden terrorist groups like al-Qaeda and increased anti-American sentiment worldwide. The military hammer the US government has been using against terrorist suspects for over 12 years has not succeeded in eliminating al-Qaeda; it has helped spawn a resurgence of terrorist groups across war-torn Middle East and now into Africa.

The President's speech included a profound assertion that "from our use of drones to the detention of terrorist suspects, the decisions we are making will define the type of nation and world that we leave to our children." So far, that legacy is full of tears, war debt, and broken promises.

Martin Luther King III, the eldest son of the great Reverend King, recently spoke to a congregation in Oakland, California about drones. "I am saddened that enough of us have not raised up our voices and constructively said something about what President Obama is doing with these drones," he preached. "The generals are telling him we've got to do this. But the community has to rise up and say that's not who we as Americans are. That doesn't mean that you denigrate and criticize the President in a negative way, but we certainly have to challenge. That is what Martin Luther King Jr. would be doing. He would be challenging the nation to become a better nation."

That, indeed, is the lesson we should learn on the anniversary of the President's address. There are many ways to be heard-not all of us have the chance to interrupt the President, but we all have the power to stand up and speak out. Write a letter to the White House or the editor of your local paper; visit your congressperson or get out on a street corner with a sign. Get involved with peace groups like CODEPINK. Find your own way to rise up and challenge our nation to become a better nation.
(c) 2014 Medea Benjamin is cofounder of Global Exchange and CODEPINK, which has organized seven humanitarian delegations to Gaza. She is author of Don't Be Afraid Gringo: A Honduran Woman Speaks from the Heart.








A Call to Arms: An Invitation To Demand Action On Climate Change
When world leaders gather in New York this fall to confront climate change, tens of thousands of people (and maybe you) will be there to demand they take action before it's too late
By Bill McKibben

This is an invitation, an invitation to come to New York City. An invitation to anyone who'd like to prove to themselves, and to their children, that they give a damn about the biggest crisis our civilization has ever faced.

My guess is people will come by the tens of thousands, and it will be the largest demonstration yet of human resolve in the face of climate change. Sure, some of it will be exciting - who doesn't like the chance to march and sing and carry a clever sign through the canyons of Manhattan? But this is dead-serious business, a signal moment in the gathering fight of human beings to do something about global warming before it's too late to do anything but watch. You'll tell your grandchildren, assuming we win. So circle September 20th and 21st on your calendar, and then I'll explain.

Since Ban Ki-moon runs the United Nations, he's altogether aware that we're making no progress as a planet on slowing climate change. He presided over the collapse of global-climate talks at Copenhagen in 2009, and he knows the prospects are not much better for the "next Copenhagen" in Paris in December 2015. In order to spur those talks along, he's invited the world's leaders to New York in late September for a climate summit.

But the "world's leaders" haven't been leaders on climate change - at least not leaders enough. Like many of us, they've attended to the easy stuff, but they haven't set the world on a fundamentally new course. Barack Obama is the perfect example: Sure, he's imposed new mileage standards for cars, but he's also opened vast swaths of territory to oil drilling and coal mining, which will take us past Saudi Arabia and Russia as the world's biggest petro producer.

Like other world leaders, that is, he's tried, but not nearly hard enough. Consider what he told The New Yorker in an interview earlier this year: "At the end of the day, we're part of a long-running story. We just try to get our paragraph right." And "I think we are fortunate at the moment that we do not face a crisis of the scale and scope that Lincoln or FDR faced."

We do, though; we face a crisis as great as any president has ever encountered. Here's how his paragraph looks so far: Since he took office, summer sea ice in the Arctic has mostly disappeared, and at the South Pole, scientists in May made clear that the process of massive melt is now fully under way, with 10 feet of sea-level rise in the offing. Scientists have discovered the depth of changes in ocean chemistry: that seawater is 30 percent more acidic than just four decades ago, and it's already causing trouble for creatures at the bottom of the marine food chain. America has weathered the hottest year in its history, 2012, which saw a drought so deep that the corn harvest largely failed. At the moment, one of the biggest states in Obama's union, California, is caught in a drought deeper than any time since Europeans arrived. Hell, a few blocks south of the U.N. buildings, Hurricane Sandy turned the Lower East Side of New York into a branch of the East River. And that's just the United States. The world's scientists earlier this spring issued a 32-volume report explaining exactly how much worse it's going to get, which is, to summarize, a lot worse even than they'd thought before. It's not that the scientists are alarmists - it's that the science is alarming. Here's how one Princeton scientist summarized the situation for reporters: "We're all sitting ducks."

The gap between "We're all sitting ducks" and "We do not face a crisis" is the gap between halfhearted action and the all-out effort that might make a difference. It's the gap between changing light bulbs and changing the system that's powering our destruction.

In a rational world, no one would need to march. In a rational world, policymakers would have heeded scientists when they first sounded the alarm 25 years ago. But in this world, reason, having won the argument, has so far lost the fight. The fossil-fuel industry, by virtue of being perhaps the richest enterprise in human history, has been able to delay effective action, almost to the point where it's too late.

So in this case taking to the streets is very much necessary. It's not all that's necessary - a sprawling fossil-fuel resistance works on a hundred fronts around the world, from putting up solar panels to forcing colleges to divest their oil stocks to electioneering for truly green candidates. And it's true that marching doesn't always work: At the onset of the war in Iraq, millions marched, to no immediate avail. But there are moments when it's been essential. This is how the Vietnam War was ended, and segregation too - or consider the nuclear-freeze campaign of the early 1980s, when half a million people gathered in New York's Central Park. The rally, and all the campaigning that led to it, set the mood for a planet - even, amazingly, in the Reagan era. By mid-decade, the conservative icon was proposing to Mikhail Gorbachev that they abolish nuclear weapons altogether.

The point is, sometimes you can grab the zeitgeist by the scruff of the neck and shake it a little. At the moment, the overwhelming sense around the world is nothing will happen in time. That's on the verge of becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy - indeed, as I've written in these pages, it's very clear that the fossil-fuel industry has five times as much carbon in its reserves as it would take to break the planet. On current trajectories, the industry will burn it, and governments will make only small whimpering noises about changing the speed at which it happens. A loud movement - one that gives our "leaders" permission to actually lead, and then scares them into doing so - is the only hope of upending that prophecy.

A loud movement is, of necessity, a big movement - and this fossil-fuel resistance draws from every corner of our society. It finds powerful leadership from the environmental-justice community, the poor people, often in communities of color, who have suffered most directly under the reign of fossil fuel. In this country they're survivors of Sandy and Katrina and the BP spill; they're the people whose kids troop off to kindergarten clutching asthma inhalers because they live next to oil refineries, and the people whose reservations become resource colonies. Overseas, they're the ones whose countries are simply disappearing.

Sometimes in the past, trade unionists have fought against environmentalists - but unions in health care, mass transit, higher education, domestic work and building services are all beginning to organize for September, fully aware that there are no jobs on a dead planet. Energy-sector unions see the jobs potential in massive solar installation and a "just transition" off fossil fuels. Here's a banner I know you'll see in the streets of New York: CLIMATE/JOBS. TWO CRISES, ONE SOLUTION.

There will be clergy and laypeople from synagogues and churches and mosques, now rising in record numbers to say, "If the Bible means anything, it means that we need to care for the world God gave us." And there will, of course, be scientists, saying, "What exactly don't you understand about what we've been telling you for a quarter-century?"

And students will arrive from around the country, because who knows better how to cope with long bus rides and sleeping on floors - and who knows better that their very futures are at stake? They're near the front of this battle right now, getting arrested at Harvard and at Washington University as they fight for fossil-fuel divestment, and shaking up the establishment enough that Stanford, with its $18.7 billion endowment, just agreed to get rid of its coal stocks. Don't worry about "kids today." Kids today know how to organize at least as well as kids in the Sixties.

And then there will be those of us plain old middle-class Americans who may still benefit from our lives of cheap fossil fuel, but who just can't stand to watch the world drift into chaos. We look around and see that the price of solar panels has fallen 90 percent in a few decades; we understand that it won't be easy to shift our economy off coal and gas and oil, but we know that it will be easier than coping with temperatures that no human has ever seen. We may have different proposed solutions - carbon taxes! tidal power! - but we know that none of them will happen unless we open up some space. That's our job: opening up space for change on the scale that physics requires. No more fine words, no more nifty websites. Hard deeds. Now.

You can watch the endgame of the fossil-fuel era with a certain amount of hope. The pieces are in place for real, swift, sudden change, not just slow and grinding linear shifts: If Germany on a sunny day can generate half its power from solar panels, and Texas makes a third of its electricity from wind, then you know technology isn't an impossible obstacle anymore. The pieces are in place, but the pieces won't move themselves. That's where movements come in. They're not subtle; they can't manage all the details of this transition. But they can build up pressure on the system, enough, with luck, to blow out those bags of money that are blocking progress with the force of Typhoon Haiyan on a Filipino hut. Because if our resistance fails, there will be ever-stronger typhoons. The moment to salvage something of the Holocene is passing fast. But it hasn't passed yet, which is why September is so important.

Day to day this resistance is rightly scattered, local and focused on the more mundane: installing a new zoning code, putting in a solar farm, persuading the church board to sell its BP stock. But sometimes it needs to come together and show the world how big it's gotten. That next great moment is late September in New York. See you there.
(c) 2014 Bill McKibben is Schumann Distinguished Scholar at Middlebury College, co-founder of 350.org. His most recent book is Eaarth: Making a Life on a Tough New Planet.





The Dead Letter Office...






Heil Obama,

Dear Hochstrichter Zweibel,

Congratulations, you have just been awarded the "Vidkun Quisling Award!" Your name will now live throughout history with such past award winners as Marcus Junius Brutus, Judas Iscariot, Benedict Arnold, George Stephanopoulos, George W. Bush, George H.W. Bush, Prescott Bush, Sam Bush, Fredo Bush, Kate Bush, Kyle Busch, Anheuser Busch, Vidkun Quisling and last year's winner Volksjudge John (the enforcer) Roberts.

Without your lock step calling for the repeal of the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, your attempts to destroy legal protest, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Yemen, Syria, Iran and those many other profitable oil wars to come would have been impossible! With the help of our mutual friends, the other "Demoncratic whores" you have made it possible for all of us to goose-step off to a brave new bank account!

Along with this award you will be given the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross with Golden Oak Leaves, Swords and Diamonds presented by our glorious Fuhrer, Herr Obama at a gala celebration at "der Fuhrer Bunker," formally the "White House," on 05-24-2014. We salute you Herr Zweibel, Sieg Heil!

Signed by,
Vice Fuhrer Biden

Heil Obama






The Practical Choice
Not American Capitalism or "Welfare State Socialism" but an Economy That's Working for a Few or Many
By Robert Reich

For years Americans have assumed that our hard-charging capitalism is better than the soft-hearted version found in Canada and Europe. American capitalism might be a bit crueler but it generates faster growth and higher living standards overall. Canada's and Europe's "welfare-state socialism" is doomed.

It was a questionable assumption to begin with, relying to some extent on our collective amnesia about the first three decades after World War II, when tax rates on top incomes in the U.S. never fell below 70 percent, a larger portion of our economy was invested in education than before or since, over a third of our private-sector workers were unionized, we came up with Medicare for the elderly and Medicaid for the poor, and built the biggest infrastructure project in history, known as the interstate highway system.

But then came America's big U-turn, when we deregulated, de-unionized, lowered taxes on the top, ended welfare, and stopped investing as much of the economy in education and infrastructure.

Meanwhile, Canada and Europe continued on as before. Soviet communism went bust, and many of us assumed European and Canadian "socialism" would as well.

That's why recent data from the Luxembourg Income Study Database is so shocking.

The fact is, we're falling behind. While median per capita income in the United States has stagnated since 2000, it's up significantly in Canada and Northern Europe. Their typical worker's income is now higher than ours, and their disposable income - after taxes - higher still.

It's difficult to make exact comparisons of income across national borders because real purchasing power is hard to measure. But even if we assume Canadians and the citizens of several European nations have simply drawn even with the American middle class, they're doing better in many other ways.

Most of them get free health care and subsidized child care. And if they lose their jobs, they get far more generous unemployment benefits than we do. (In fact, right now 75 percent of jobless Americans lack any unemployment benefits.)

If you think we make up for it by working less and getting paid more on an hourly basis, think again. There, at least three weeks paid vacation as the norm, along with paid sick leave, and paid parental leave.

We're working an average of 4.6 percent more hours more than the typical Canadian worker, 21 percent more than the typical French worker, and a whopping 28 percent more than your typical German worker, according to data compiled by New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof.

But at least Americans are more satisfied, aren't we? Not really. According to opinion surveys and interviews, Canadians and Northern Europeans are.

They also live longer, their rate of infant mortality is lower, and women in these countries are far less likely to die as result of complications in pregnancy or childbirth.

But at least we're the land of more equal opportunity, right? Wrong. Their poor kids have a better chance of getting ahead. While 42 percent of American kids born into poor families remain poor through their adult lives, only 30 percent of Britain's poor kids remain impoverished - and even smaller percentages in other rich countries.

Yes, the American economy continues to grow faster than the economies of Canada and Europe. But faster growth hasn't translated into higher living standards for most Americans.

Almost all our economic gains have been going to the top - into corporate profits and the stock market (more than a third of whose value is owned by the richest 1 percent). And into executive pay (European CEOs take home far less than their American counterparts).

America's rich also pay much lower taxes than do the rich in Canada and Europe.

But surely Europe can't go on like this. You hear it all the time: They can no longer afford their welfare state.

That depends on what's meant by "welfare state." If high-quality education is included, we'd do well to emulate them. Americans between the ages of 16 and 24 rank near the bottom among rich countries in literacy and numeracy. That spells trouble for the U.S. economy in the future.

They're also doing more workforce training, and doing it better, than we are. The result is more skilled workers.

Universal health care is another part of their "welfare state" that saves them money because healthier workers are more productive.

So let's put ideology aside. The practical choice isn't between capitalism and "welfare-state socialism." It's between a system that's working for a few at the top, or one that's working for just about everyone. Which would you prefer?
(c) 2014 Robert Reich is Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley. He has served in three national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President Bill Clinton. He has written twelve books, including The Work of Nations, Locked in the Cabinet, and his most recent book, "Beyond Outrage," is now out in paperback. He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause. His new film, "Inequality for All," will be out September 27.




A nuclear weapon is detonated at Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands in 1946.





We Must End The Madness Of Nuclear Weapons
By Desmond Tutu and David Krieger

Some five decades ago, world leaders came together on an urgent mission to avert "the devastation that would be visited upon all mankind" in the event of a nuclear war. The five then-existing nuclear weapon states - the United States, Soviet Union (now Russia), United Kingdom, France and China - signed the international nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). They agreed to negotiate in good faith to end the nuclear arms race at an early date and to achieve a world without nuclear weapons.

Five decades later, the nuclear threat has only increased. Four more states - Israel, India, Pakistan and North Korea - now have nuclear weapons. The world is more dangerous because the signatories of the NPT have failed to keep their promises and have undermined the rule of law.

Until now, no one has held them accountable. Last month, the Republic of the Marshall Islands courageously took the nine nuclear weapons-wielding Goliaths to the International Court of Justice to enforce compliance with the NPT and customary international law.

This tiny Pacific nation's firsthand experience with nuclear devastation compelled it to take a stand. The United States exploded 67 nuclear weapons there between 1946 and 1958, including a bomb 1,000 times more powerful than the one dropped on Hiroshima. Marshall Islanders still suffer high cancer rates and environmental poisoning as a result. They are not seeking compensation; in fact, their bold stance could potentially jeopardize the essential funding and protection the US provides them. Yet their desire to protect their fellow humans from the pain and devastation wrought by nuclear weapons outweighs fear of retribution.

Nuclear weapons are fundamentally immoral because they have only one purpose: to indiscriminately destroy human life at the push of a button, without regard for whether they kill innocents or combatants, children or adults. In 1996, the International Court of Justice warned, "The destructive power of nuclear weapons cannot be contained in either space or time. They have the potential to destroy all civilization and the entire ecosystem of the planet." No government, army, organization or individual should have the ability to impose nuclear devastation on other humans. This truth is enshrined in Article VI of the NPT: "Each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control."

The five original nuclear weapon states signed onto this statement, but have failed to honor their commitments. The four more recent nuclear weapon states - Israel, India, Pakistan and North Korea - have followed their lead in defying international legal obligations.

Instead of working to end the insanity of the nuclear age once and for all, these nine countries waste trillions of dollars on their nuclear arsenals, in violation of both the treaty and customary international law. We can no longer afford this perilous game of nuclear roulette. Every day that world leaders delay action on disarmament, they impose the unacceptable menace of nuclear devastation upon every human on the planet.

Addiction to nuclear weapons costs us all in other ways as well. The price of these weapons keeps rising. The nuclear nations spend a combined $100 billion on them every year. Imagine how far this amount could take us in providing access to education, health care, food and clean water for the people of the world.

The people of the Marshall Islands are standing up to say that it's time to end the era of nuclear madness. They are joined by Nobel Peace Laureates, and leaders and experts from every field who support this historic legal action.

We call on President Obama and the leaders of the other nuclear weapon states to fulfill their legal obligation to negotiate in good faith to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons. It is not unrealistic to ask that the world's most powerful governments start obeying the law and keeping their promises.

Nothing good has ever come of nuclear weapons. Nothing good ever will. For the sake of all humanity, current and future, it's time to respect the law and keep the promise.
(c) 2014 Desmond Tutu is Archbishop Emeritus of Cape Town and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

(c) 2014 David Krieger is president of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. His latest book is Zero: The Case for Nuclear Weapons Abolition. Find out more about Nukes Are Nuts at nukesarenuts.org.




The Cartoon Corner...

This edition we're proud to showcase the cartoons of
~~~ Mike Keefe ~~~










To End On A Happy Note...





Have You Seen This...





Parting Shots...





Let's Get Lethaler
By Will Durst

You'd think that we Americans would have enough stuff to worry about. Severe drought desiccating a third of the country. A political system whose major talent is demonstrating stasis in action. The rich using the poor as fleshy paving stones for the road to mansions on the hill. Ben Affleck as Batman.

But, guess what -- apparently not enough stuff to worry about, because now we're running out of ways to kill people. Legally, that is. Accidentally and illegally we're doing just fine. Might even say it's become a robust and vigorous pursuit.

Talking about carrying out the death penalty. Although the word "penalty" always seems to criminally understate the case. Over the years, civilizations have evolved in how to rid themselves of their various nefarious. They cycled through stoning, strangulation, beheading, death by 1000 cuts, hanging, firing squad, guillotine, electric chair, before finally settling on poison, deemed the most humane. First the gas chamber and now, even humaner -- lethal injection. So humane, we swab the injection point with alcohol, which is like repainting the shutters before burning down a house.

Problem is, the producer of the go-to lethal injection drug, Thiopental, stopped making it. States turned to a different drug called Pentobarbital, but the Danish manufacturer didn't enjoy being associated with executions, and pulled the plug. Now, the states' Departments of Killing People on Purpose are resorting to unreliable and possibly illegal sources, and refusing to reveal those methods; meaning for all we know, they could be shooting inmates up with Drano flavored Jell-O.

These punishments are being carried out on behalf of We the People: so We the People should have a say in the process. It's the 21st century, for crum's sake. Why not kill the condemned creatively? Film it for pay-per-view. Strike a deal with Amazon Prime and make some coin on the back end. There are tons of ways to end a miscreant's life that would be a barrel of fun to watch and still ensure justice gets done.

For instance, imagine the merriment to be shared if a convicted man were forced to spend an entire evening in the company of Joan Rivers. Death would not only be instantaneous, it would be hilarious.

Or what if one of the soon-to-be-deceased were dispatched to act as Chris Christie's pedicab driver when visiting Atlantic City?

Perhaps a position could be arranged as Vladimir Putin's Ukrainian food taster.

Becoming Barack Obama's personal pollster would certainly drive any sane man mad.

Sentencing denizens of death row to carry Michael Bloomberg's ego might be an amusing spectacle. Or would that be considered cruel and unusual?

Assign one as sole salesmen at the only New York City based Foot Locker to distribute the next re-release of Air Jordan classics.

Forced to endure an entire season on Dancing With the Stars as Chelsea Handler's partner. An excruciating proposition.

Spend the Christmas season in Times Square dressed in the Disney character costume of Iago from Aladdin.

Got three words for you, people: CSI: Miami binge-a-thon.

And finally, the state could force the reprobate to wear Google Glass into dive bars all over the Mission District of San Francisco. And the beauty of it is: they function as their own cameraman.
(c) 2014 Will Durst, is a nationally acclaimed, award- winning political comic. Go to willdurst.com to find about more about his new CD, "Elect to Laugh" and calendar of personal appearances, and info about the documentary film "3 Still Standing" in which he's one of the standing 3. Still.




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Issues & Alibis Vol 14 # 20 (c) 05/23/2014


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